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Full text of "Tacitus : [in five volumes]"

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THE LIBRARY 

of 

VICTORIA UNIVERSITY 

Toronto 



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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY 

FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D. 

EDITED BY 
tT. E. PAGE, C.H., LITT.D. 

CAPPS, PH.D., ll.d. tW. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d. 

. PI >ST, l.h.d. E. H. WARMINGTOX, m.a., f.r.hist.soo. 



TACITUS 
IV 



TACITUS 

THE HISTORIES 

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY 
CLIFFORD H. MOORE 



Ot HARVARD UNIVERSITY 



THE ANNALS 

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY 
JOHN JACKSON 

IN FOUR VOLUMES 

IV 

ANNALS, Books X1II-XVI 




LONDON 

WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD 

CAMBRIDGE. MASSACHUSETTS 

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS 

MCMLXII 



\A- 



First printed 1937 
Reprinted 1951, 1956. 1962 



3285 



Printed in Great Britain 



CONTENTS 



Book XIII 

Book XIV 

Book XV . 

Book XVI 

Index 

Map- 
Asia Minor 



paou 
1 

105 

215 
337 
391 

At End 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 
BOOK XIII 



AB EXCESSU DIVI AUGUSTI 

P. CORNELII TACITI 

LIBER XIII 

I. Piuma novo principatu mors Iunii Silani pro- 
consulis Asiae ignaro Nerone per dolum Agrippinae 
paratur, non quia ingenii violentia exitium inrita- 
verat, segnfs et dominationibus aliis fastiditus, adeo 
ut Gaius Caesar pecudem auream eum appellare 
solitus sit : verum Agrippina fratri eius L. Silano 
necem niolita ultorem metuebat. crebra vulgi fama 
anteponendum esse vixdum pueritiam egresso Ne- 
roni et imperiuin per scelus adepto virum aetate 
composita, insontem, nobilem et, quod tunc spectare- 
tur, e Caesarum posteris : quippe et Silanus divi 
Augusti abnepos erat. Haec causa necis. Minis- 
tri f'uere P. Celer eques Romanus et Helius libertus. 
rei familiari principis in Asia impositi. Ab his pro- 
consuli venenum inter epulas datum est apertius. 
quam ut fallerent. Nee minus properato Narcissus 
Claudii libertus. de cuius iurgiis adversus Agrippinam 
rettuli, aspera custodia et necessitate extrema ad 

1 So Diogenes rov afiaBrj vXovot-ov npo^arov eint xpvo6fj.aA\r>v 
(1). Laert. VI. 2, 47). 

2 Once the affianced husband of Oct a via : see XII. 3 sqq. 

3 Their grandmothers, Julia and the elder Agrippina, had 
been sisters : see vol. ii. p. 240. 

J See XII. 57, 65. 
2 



THE ANNALS OF 
TACITUS 
BOOK XIII 

I. The first death under the new prineipate, that 
of Junius Silanus, proconsul of Asia, was brought 
to pass, without Nero's cognizance, by treachery on 
the part of Agrippina. It was not that he had pro- 
voked his doom by violence of temper, lethargic as 
he was, and so completely disdained by former des- 
potisms that Gaius Caesar usually styled him " the 
golden sheep "i 1 but Agrippina, who had procured the 
death of his brother Lucius Silanus, 2 feared him as 
a possible avenger, since it was a generally expressed 
opinion of the multitude that Nero, barely emerged 
from boyhood and holding the empire in consequence 
of a crime, should take second place to a man of 
settled years, innocent character, and noble family, 
who — a point to be regarded in those days — was 
counted among the posterity of the Caesars : for 
Silanus, like Nero, was the son of a great-grandchild 
of Augustus. 3 Such was the cause of death : the 
instruments were the Roman knight, Publius Celer, 
and the freedman Helius, who were in charge of 
the imperial revenues in Asia. By these poison was 
administered to the proconsul at a dinner, too openly 
to avoid detection. With no less speed, Claudius' 
freedman Narcissus, whose altercations with Agrip- 
pina I have already noticed, 4 was forced to suicide by 
a rigorous confinement and by the last necessity, 

VOL. IV. A 2. 3 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

mortem agitur. invito principe, cuius abditis adhuc 
vitiis per avaritiam ac prodigentiam mire congruebat. 

II. Ibaturque in caedes, nisi Afranius Burrus et 
Annaeus Seneca obviam issent. Hi rectores impera- 
toriae iuventae et, rarum in societate potentiae, 
Concordes, diversa arte ex aequo pollebant, Burrus 
militaribus curis et severitate morum, Seneca prae- 
ceptis eloquentiae et comitate honesta, iuvantes in 
vicem, quo facilius lubrieam principis aetatem, si 
virtutem aspernaretur, voluptatibus concessis re- 
tinerent. Certamen utrique unum erat contra 
ferociam Agrippinae, quae cunctis malae domina- 
tionis cupidinibus flagrans habebat in partibus Pal- 
lantem, quo auctore Claudius nuptiis incestis et 
adoptione exitiosa semet perverterat. Sed neque 
Neroni infra servos ingenium, et Pallas tristi adro- 
gantia modum liberti egressus taedium sui moverat. 
Propalam tamen omnes in earn honores cumula- 
bantur, signumque more militiae petenti tribuno 
dedit optimae matris. Decreti et a senatu duo 
lictores, flaminium Claudiale, simul Claudio cen- 
sorium funus et mox consecratio. 

III. Die funeris laudationem eius princeps exorsus 
est, dum antiquitatem generis, consulatus ac 



1 In command of the praetorian cohort on guard at the 

palace. 



BOOK XIII. i.-m. 

much against the will of the emperor, with whose 
still hidden vices his greed and prodigality were in 
admirable harmony. 

II. The tendency, in fact, was towards murder, had 
not Afranius Burrus and Seneca intervened. Both 
guardians of the imperial youth, and — a rare oc- 
currence where power is held in partnership — both 
in agreement, they exercised equal influence by 
contrasted methods ; and Burrus, with his soldierly 
interests and austerity, and Seneca, with his lessons 
in eloquence and his self-respecting courtliness, 
aided each other to ensure that the sovereign's 
years of temptation should, if he were scornful of 
virtue, be restrained within the bounds of per- 
missible indulgence. Each had to face the same 
conflict with the overbearing pride of Agrippina ; 
who. burning with all the passions of illicit power, 
had the adherence of Pallas, at whose instigation 
Claudius had destroved himself by an incestuous 
marriage and a fatal adoption. But neither was 
Nero's a disposition that bends to slaves, nor had 
Pallas, who with his sullen arrogance transcended 
the limits of a freedman, failed to awaken his disgust. 
Still, in public, every compliment was heaped upon 
the princess ; and when the tribune, 1 following the 
military routine, applied for the password, her son 
gave: "The best of mothers." The senate, too, 
accorded her a pair of lictors and the office of 
priestess to Claudius, to whom was voted, in the 
same session, a public funeral, followed presently 
by deification. 

III. On the day of the obsequies, the prince opened 
his panegyric of Claudius. So long as he rehearsed 
the antiquity of his family, the consulates and the 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

triumphos maiorum enumerabat. iutentus ipse et 
ceteri ; liberalium quoque artium commemoratio et 
nihil regente eo triste rei publicae ab externLs 
accidisse pronis animis audita : postquam ad pro- 
videntiam sapientiamque flexit, nemo risui temperare, 
quamquam oratio a Seneca composita multum cultus 
praeferret, ut fuit illi viro ingenium amoenum et 
temporis eius auribus adcommodatum. Adnotabant 
seniores, quibus otiosum est vetera et praesentia 
contendere, primum ex iis, qui rerum potiti essent. 
Neronem alienae facundiae eguisse. Nam dictator 
Caesar summis oratoribus aemulus ; et Augusto 
prompta ac profluens quae 1 deceret principem elo- 
quentia fuit. Tiberius artem quoque callebat, qua 
verba expenderet, turn validus sensibus aut consulto 
ambiguus. Etiam Gai Caesaris turbata mens vim 
dicendi non corrupit. Nee in Claudio. quotiens 
meditata dissereret, 2 elegantiam requireres. Nero 
puerilibus statim annis vividum animum in alia 
detorsit : caelare, pingere, cantus aut regimen 
equorum exercere ; et aliquando carminibus pangen- 
dis inesse sibi elementa doctrinae ostendebat. 

IV. Ceterum peractis tristitiae imitamentis curiam 
ingressus et de auctoritate patrum et consensu 
militum praefatus, consilia sibi et exempla capessendi 
egregie imperii memoravit. Neque iuventam armis 
civilibus aut domesticis discordiis imbutam ; nulla 

1 quae] quaeque Ernesti. 

2 dissereret Puleolanws : dissererentur. 



1 An impressive catalogue of his literary labours, Greek and 
Latin, is given by Suetonius (Claud. 41 sq.)- The most regret- 
able loss is, no doubt, that of the eight rolls of an autobio- 
graphy, composed magis inepte quam inelegant&r. 

6 



BOOK XIII. in. iv. 

triumphs of his ancestors, he was taken seriously by 
himself and by others. Allusions, also, to his 
literary attainments 1 and to the freedom of his reign 
from reverses abroad had a favourable hearing. 
But when the orator addressed himself to his fore- 
sight and sagacity, no one could repress a smile ; 
though the speech, as the composition of Seneca, 
exhibited the degree of polish to be expected from 
that famous man, whose pleasing talent was so well 
suited to a contemporary audience. The elderlv 
observers, who make a pastime of comparing old 
days and new, remarked that Nero was the first master 
of the empire to stand in need of borrowed eloquence. 
For the dictator Caesar had rivalled the greatest 
orators ; and Augustus had the ready and fluent 
diction appropriate to a monarch. Tiberius was, 
in addition, a master of the art of weighing words — 
powerful, moreover, in the expression of his views, 
or, if ambiguous, ambiguous by design. Even 
Caligula's troubled brain did not affect his power of 
speech ; and, when Claudius had prepared his 
harangues, elegance was not the quality that was 
missed. But Nero, even in his childish years, turned 
his vivacious mind to other interests : he carved, 
painted, practised singing or driving, and occasionally 
in a set of verses showed that he had in him the 
rudiments of culture. 

IV. However, when the mockeries of sorrow had 
been carried to their close, he entered the curia ; 
and, after an opening reference to the authority of 
the Fathers and the unanimity of the army, stated 
that "he had before himadviceand examples pointing 
him to an admirable system of government. Nor had 
his youth been poisoned by civil war or family strife : 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

odia, nullas iniurias nee eupidinem ultionis adferre. 
Turn formam futuri principatus praescripsit, ea maxi- 
me declinans. quorum recens flagrabat invidia. 
Non enim se negotiorum omnium iudicem fore, ut 
elausis unam intra domum accusatoribus et reis pau- 
eorum potentia grassaretur ; nihil in penatibus suis 
venale aut ambitioni pervium ; discretam domum et 
rem publieam. Teneret antiqua munia senatus, 
consulum tribunalibus Italia et publicae provinciae 
adsisterent : illi patrum aditum praeberent, se 
mandatis exercitibus consulturum. 

V. Nee defuit fides, multaque arbitrio senatus 
constituta sunt : ne quis ad causam orandam mercede 
aut donis emeretur, ne designatis quaestoribus edendi 
gladiatores necessitas esset. Quod quidem adver- 
sante Agrippina, tamquam acta Claudii subverter- 
entur, obtinuere patres, qui in Palatium ob id 
vocabantur, ut adstaret additis a tergo foribus velo 
discreta, quod visum arceret, auditus non adimeret. 
Quin et legatis Armeniorum causam gentis apud 
Neronem orantibus escendere suggestum imperatoris 
et praesidere simul parabat, nisi ceteris pavore 
defixis Seneca admonuisset, venienti matri occurreret. 
Ita specie pietatis obviam itum dedecori. 

1 Deputations from Italy or the public — i.e. senatorial — 
provinces, wishing to approach the senate, were in the first 
place to secure the authorization of the consuls. For the 
traditional procedure, see Liv. XXIX. 16. 

2 Stationed in the imperial provinces. 

3 See XI. 7-8. The exact terms of the present decree are 
unknown. 

4 See XI. 22. 

5 II. 37 n. 



BOOK XIII. iv.-v. 

he brought to his task no hatreds, no wrongs, no 
desire for vengeance." He then outlined the 
character of the coming principate, the points which 
had provoked recent and intense dissatisfaction being 
specially discountenanced : — " He would not con- 
stitute himself a judge of all cases, secluding accusers 
and defendants within the same four walls and 
allowing the influence of a few individuals to run 
riot. Under his roof would be no venality, no loop- 
hole for intrigue : the palace and the state would 
be things separate. Let the senate retain its old 
prerogatives ! Let Italy and the public provinces 
take their stand before the judgement-seats of the 
consuls, and let the consuls grant them access to the 
Fathers : x for the armies delegated to his charge 2 
he would himself be responsible." 

V. Nor was the pledge dishonoured, and many 
regulations were framed by the free decision of the 
senate. No advocate was to sell his services as a 
pleader for either fee or bounty ; 3 quaestors designate 
were to be under no obligation to produce a gladia- 
torial spectacle. 4 The latter point, though opposed 
by Agrippina as a subversion of the acts of Claudius, 
was carried by the Fathers, whose meetings were 
specially convened in the Palatium, 5 so that she could 
station herself at a newly-added door in their rear, 
shut off by a curtain thick enough to conceal her from 
view but not to debar her from hearing. In fact, 
when an Armenian deputation was pleading the 
national cause before Nero, she was preparing to 
ascend the emperor's tribunal and to share his 
presidency, had not Seneca, while others stood 
aghast, admonished the sovereign to step down 
and meet his mother : an assumption of filial piety 
which averted a scandal. 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

VI. Fine anni turbidis rumoribus prorupisse rursum 
Parthos et rapi Armeniam adlatum est, pulso Rada 
misto, qui saepe regni eius potitus, dein profugus, 
turn quoque bellum deseruerat. Igitur in urbe 
sermonum avida, quern ad modum princeps vix 
septemdecim annos egressus suscipere earn molem 
aut propulsare posset, quod subsidium in eo, qui a 
femina regeretur, num proelia quoque et obpugna- 
tiones urbium et cetera belli per magistros adminis- 
trari possent. anquirebant. Contra alii melius 
evenisse disserunt, quam si invalidus senecta et 
ignavia Claudius militiae ad labores vocavetur. 
servilibus iussis obtemperaturus. Burrura tamen et 
Senecam multarum rerum experientia cognitos ; 
et imperatori quantum ad robur deesse, cum octavo 
decumo aetatis anno Cn. Pompeius. nono decumo 
Caesar Octavianus civilia bella sustinuerint ? Plera- 
que in summa fortuna auspiciis et consiliis quam 
telis et manibus geri. Daturum plane documentum, 
honestis an secus amicis uteretur, si ducem amota 
invidia egregium quam si pecuniosum et gratia 
subnixum per ambitum deligeret. 

VII. Haec atque talia vulgantibus, Nero et iuven- 
tutem proximas per provincias quaesitam supplendis 
Orientis legionibus admovere legionesque ipsas 



1 XII. 44-47, 50-51. 

2 Actually, in 84 B.C., at the age of twenty-three (Plut. 
Pomp. 6). Tacitus follows the erroneous reckoning, censured 
by Velleius Paterculus (II. 53), which deducted five years from 
the age of Pompey. 

3 In 44 B.o. 



BOOK XIII. vi.-vn. 

VI. At the close of the year, rumour brought 
the disturbing news that the Parthians had again 
broken out and were pillaging Armenia after ex- 
pelling Radamistus ; x who, often master of the king- 
dom, then a fugitive, had now once more abandoned 
the struggle. It followed that in a city with such an 
appetite for gossip the question was asked, " how 
a prince who had barely passed his seventeenth 
birthday would be able to sustain or repel such a 
menace. What hope was there in a youth swayed 
by a woman? Were even battles, the assault of 
cities, the other operations of war, capable of being 
handled through the agency of pedagogues?" 
Others held, in opposition, that " fortune had been 
kinder than if it were Claudius, incapacitated by age 
and bv apathy, who was now being summoned to the 
labours of a campaign in which he would certainly 
have taken his orders from his slaves. But Burrus 
and Seneca were well known for their great ex- 
perience of affairs — and how far short of maturity was 
the emperor, when Pompey in his eighteenth year 2 
and Octavian in his nineteenth 3 had been equal to the 
strain of civil war ? In the case of the head of the 
state, he accomplished more through his auspices and 
by his counsels than with the sword and the strong 
arm. He would give a plain indication whether 
the friends around him were honourable or the 
reverse, if he ignored jealousies and appointed an 
outstanding general in preference to an intriguer 
commended by a long purse and court favour." 

VII. In the midst of. these popular discussions, 
Nero gave orders that both the recruits levied in 
the adjacent provinces to keep the eastern legions 
at strength were to be moved up, and the legions 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

propius Armeniam collocari iubet, duosque veteres 
reges Agrippam et Antiochum expedire copias, quis 
Parthorum fines ultro intrarent, simul pontes per 
amnem Euphratem iungi ; et minorem Armeniam 
Aristobulo, regionem Sophenen Sohaemo cum insigni- 
bus regiis mandat. Exortusque in tempore aemulus 
Vologesi filius Vardanes : et abscessere Armenia 
Parthi, tamquam difTerrent bellum. 

VIII. Sed apud senatum omnia in maius celebrata 
sunt sententiis eorum, qui supplicationes et diebus 
supplicationum vestem prineipi triumphalem, utque 
ovans urbem iniret, effigiemque x eius pari magni- 
tudine ac Martis Ultoris eodem in templo eensuere. 
praeter suetam adulationem laeti, quod Domitium 
Corbulonem retinendae Armeniae praeposuerat vide- 
baturque locus virtutibus patefactus. Copiae Orientis 
ita dividuntur, ut pars auxiliarium cum duabus 
legionibus apud provinciam Suriam et legatum eius 
Quadratum Ummidium remaneret, par civium 
sociorumque numerus Corbuloni esset, additis co- 
hortibus absque, quae in 2 Cappadocia hiemabant. 

1 effigiemque Nipperdey : effigiesque. 

2 <in> Belcher. 

1 Herod Agrippa II. — the Agrippa of Acts xxv. sq. — 
8on of Herod Agrippa I. (XII. 23 n.). 

2 Antiochus Epiphanes IV. king of Cominagene (II. 42 n.) 
and part of Cilicia; servientium regum ditissimus {Hist. II. 
81). Like Agrippa and Sohaemus, he supported Vespasian 
in the Civil War, and sided with Rome against the Jews. 

3 XI. 9 n. 

4 A strip of territory along the south-western frontier of 
Armenia. 

6 See II. 64 n. and III. 18. 

* Cn. Domitius Corbulo, half-brother of the accuser P. 
Suillius Rufus and of Caligula's wife Caesonia ; consul {suffectus) 

12 



BOOK XTII. vii.-viii. 

themselves stationed closer to Armenia ; while the 
two veteran kings, Agrippa 1 and Antiochus, 2 prepared 
their forces, so as to take the initiative by crossing 
the Parthian frontier : at the same time bridges 
were to be thrown over the Euphrates, and Lesser 
Armenia 3 was assigned to Aristobulus, the district 
of Sophene 4 to Sohaemus, each receiving royal 
insignia. Then, in the nick of time, a rival to 
Vologeses appeared in the person of his son Var- 
danes ; and the Parthians, wishing apparently to 
postpone hostilities, evacuated Armenia. 

VIII. But in the senate the whole incident was 
magnified in the speeches of the members, who 
proposed that there should be a national thanks- 
giving ; that on the days of that thanksgiving the 
emperor should wear the triumphal robe ; that he 
should enter the capital with an ovation ; and that he 
should be presented with a statue of the same size 
as that of Mars the Avenger, 5 and in the same temple. 
Apart from the routine of sycophancy, they felt 
genuine pleasure at his appointment of Domitius 
Corbulo 6 to save Armenia : a measure which seemed 
to have opened a career to the virtues. The forces 
in the East were so divided that half the auxiliaries, 
with two legions, remained in the province of Syria 
under its governor Ummidius Quadratus, Corbulo 
being assigned an equal number of citizen and 
federate troops, with the addition of the auxiliary 
foot and horse wintering in Cappadocia. The allied 

in 39 a.d. ; legatus of Lower Germany in 47 a.d. (XI. 18 sqq.) ; 
proconsul of Asia shortly after 50 a.d. His eastern campaigns 
are related in this and the two following books. In 67 a.d., 
he was summoned to Greece by Nero and forestalled his exe- 
cution by suicide. 

13 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Socii reges. prout bello conduceret, parere ius^i : sed 
studia eorum in Corbulonem promptiora erant. Qui 
ut instaret l famae, quae in novis coeptis validissima 
est, itinere propere confecto apud Aegeas civitatem 
Ciliciae obvium Quadratum habuit, illuc progressum, 
ne, si ad accipiendas copias Suriam intravisset 
Corbulo, omnium ora in se verteret, corpore ingens, 
verbis rnagnificis et super experientiam sapientiamque 
etiam specie inanium validus. 

IX. Ceterum uterque ad Vologesen regem nuntiis 
monebant, pacem quam bellum mallet datisque 
obsidibus solitam prioribus reverentiam in populum 
Romanum eontinuaret. Et Vologeses, quo bellum 
ex eommodo pararet. an ut aemulationis suspectos 
per nomen obsidum amoveret, tradit nobilissimo^ ex 
familia Arsacidarum. Accepitque eos centurio In- 
steius ab Ummidio missus, forte priore 2 de causa 
adito rege. Quod postquam Corbuloni cognitum est, 
ire praefectum cohortis Arrium \'aruni et reciperare 
obsides iubet. Hinc ortum inter praefectum et 
centurionem iurgium ne diutius externis spectaculo 
esset, arbitrium rei obsidibus legatisque, qui eos 
ducebant, permissum. Atque illi recentem gloria 3 
et inclinatione 4 quadam etiam hostium Corbulonem 
praetulere. Unde discordia inter duces, querente 

1 <instaret> Haase (cl. Agr. 18, 4). 

2 priore] prior ea Muretus, al. 

" recentem gloria Med. 1 : recentem gloriam Med. 
4 inclinatione Med. 1 : inclinationem Med. 



1 Now Ayas, on the northern shore of the Gulf of Alexan- 
dretta. 

2 Distinguished later as a partisan of Vespasian {Ui.it. III. 
6, 16, 52 etc.). 

14 



BOOK XIII. vm.-ix. 

kings were instructed to take their orders from either, 
as the exigencies of the war might require : their 
sympathies, however, leaned to the side of Corbulo. 
Anxious to strengthen that personal credit which is 
of supreme importance at the beginning of an 
enterprise, Corbulo made a rapid journey, and at the 
Cilician town of Aegeae 1 was met by Quadratus ; 
who had advanced so far, in the fear that, should his 
rival once have entered Syria to take over his forces, 
all eyes would be turned to this gigantic and grandi- 
loquent soldier, hardly more imposing by his ex- 
perience and sagacity than by the glitter of his 
unessential qualities. 

IX. However, each by courier recommended 
King Vologeses to choose peace in preference to war, 
and, by giving hostages, to continue that respectful 
attitude towards the Roman nation which had been 
the rule with his predecessors. Vologeses, either 
to prepare for war at his convenience or to remove 
suspected rivals under the style of hostages, handed 
over the most distinguished members of the Arsacian 
family. They were received by Ummidius' envoy, 
the centurion Insteius, who happened to have an 
interview with the king in connection with some 
previous affair. As soon as the fact came to the 
knowledge of Corbulo, he ordered Arrius Varius, 2 
the prefect of a cohort, to set out and take over 
the hostages. An altercation followed between the 
prefect and the centurion, and, not to prolong the 
scene under foreign eyes, the decision was left to 
the hostages and the envoys escorting them. They 
preferred Corbulo, on the strength of his recent 
glory and of that half-liking which he inspired even 
in his enemies. The consequence was an estrange- 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Ummidio praerepta quae suis consiliis patravisset, 
testante contra Corbulone non prius conversum regem 
ad offerendos obsides, quam ipse dux bello delectus 
spes eius ad meturn mutaret. Nero quo componeret 
di versos, sic evulgari iussit : ob res a Quadrato et 
Corbulone prospere gestas laurum fascibus impera- 
toriis addi. Quae in alios consules egressa coniunxi. 

X. Eodem anno Caesar effigiem Cn. Domitio patri 
et consularia insignia Asconio Labeoni, quo tutore 
usus erat, petivit a senatu ; sibique statuas argento 
vel auro solidas adversus offerentis prohibuit. Et 
quamquam censuissent patres, ut principium anni 
inciperet mense Decembri, quo ortus erat Nero, 
veterern religionem kalendarum Ianuariarum in- 
choando anno retinuit. Neque recepti sunt inter 
reos Carrinas Celer senator servo accusante, aut 
Iulius Densus equester, 1 cui favor in Britannicum 
crimini dabatur. 

XI. Claudio Nerone L. Antistio consulibus cum 
in acta principum iurarent magistratus, in sua acta 
collegam Antistium iurare prohibuit, magnis patrum 
laudibus, ut Juvenilis animus levium quoque reruni 

1 equester] eques R. Muretus. 



1 The twelve, logically assigned by the senate to Augustus 
on bis acceptance of a life-consulate in 19 B.C., and retained by 
his successors. 

2 The emperor. For his colleague, see chap. 53, with XIV. 
68 and XVI. 10. 

16 



BOOK XIII. ix.-xi. 

ment between the generals ; Ummidius complaining 
that he had been robbed of the results achieved by 
his policy, Corbulo protesting that the king had 
been converted to the course of offering hostages, 
only when his own appointment as commander in 
the field changed his hopes into alarm. Nero, to 
compose the quarrel, gave orders for a proclamation 
to the effect that, in view of the successes attained 
by Quadratus and Corbulo, laurels were being 
added to the imperial fasces. 1 — These incidents I have 
narrated in sequence, though they ran into the 
following consulate. 

X. In the same year, Nero applied to the senate 
for a statue to his father Gnaeus Domitius, and for 
consular decorations for Asconius Labeo, who had 
acted as his guardian. At the same time he vetoed 
an offer of effigies in solid gold or silver to himself; 
and, although a resolution had been passed by the 
Fathers that the new year should begin in December, 
the month which had given Nero to the world, he 
retained as the opening day of the calendar the first 
of January with its old religious associations. Nor 
were prosecutions allowed in the cases of the senator 
Carrinas Celer, who was accused by a slave, and of 
Julius Densus of the equestrian order, whose par- 
tiality for Britannicus was being turned into a 
criminal charge. 

XI. In the consulate of Claudius Nero 2 and Lucius a.v.c. ?( 
Antistius, while the magistrates were swearing A,D 66 
allegiance to the imperial enactments, the prince 
withheld his colleague Antistius from swearing to 

his own : a measure which the senate applauded 
warmly, in the hope that his youthful mind, elated by 
the fame attaching even to small things, would 

17 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

gloria sublatus maiores continuaret. Secutaque 
lenitas in Plautium Lateranum, quem ob adulterium 
Messalinae ordine demotum reddidit senatui, cle- 
mentiam suam obstringens crebris orationibus, quas 
Seneca testifieando, quam honesta praeciperet, vel 
iaetandi ingenii voce principis vulgabat. 

XII. Ceterum infracta paulatim potentia matris 
delapso Nerone in amorem libertae, cui vocabulum 
Acte f'uit, simul adusmptis in conscientiam M. 1 
Othone et Claudio Senecione, adulescentulis decor is, 
quorum Otho familia consulari, Senecio liberto 
Caesaris patre genitus. Ignara matre. dein frustra 
obnitente, penitus inrepserant 2 per luxum et ambigua 
secreta, ne senioribus quidem principis amicis 
adversantibus, muliercula nulla cuiusquam iniuria 
cupidines principis explente, quando uxore ab 
Octavia, nobili quidem et probitatis spectatae, fato 
quodam, an quia praevalent inlicita, abhorrebat, 
metuebaturque, ne in stupra feminarum inlustrium 
prorumperet, si ilia libidine prohiberetur. 

XIII. Sed Agrippina libertam aemulam, nurum 
ancillam aliaque eundem in modum muliebriter 
fremere, neque paenitentiam filii aut satietatem 

1 <S/L> Rititr. 

2 inrepserant Lips ins : inrepserat. 



1 XI. 36. 

2 His De dementia was written about this time, when Nero 
was duodevicesimum egressus annum (I. 9). 

3 She was a native of Asia Minor, and appears to have been 
genuinely attached to Nero, whose funeral she arranged in 
conjunction with his two old nurses (Suet. Ner. 50). For the 
unfounded theory that she was a Christian, see Lightfoot, 
Philippians, p. 21. 

18 



BOOK XIII. xi.-xm. 

proceed forthwith to greater. There followed, in 
fact, a display of leniency towards Plautius Lateranus, 1 
degraded from his rank for adultery with Messalina, 
but now restored to the senate by the emperor, 
who pledged himself to clemency in a series of 
speeches, which Seneca, either to attest the exalted 
qualities of his teaching or to advertise his ingenuity, 
kept presenting to the public by the lips of the 
sovereign. 2 

XII. For the rest, maternal authority had 
weakened little by little. For Nero had slipped 
into a love affair with a freedwoman by the name of 
Acte, 3 and at the same time had taken into his 
confidence Marcus Otho 4 and Claudius Senecio, 5 two 
handsome youths ; the former of consular family, the 
latter a son of one of the imperial freedmen. At 
first, without the knowledge of his mother, then in 
defiance of her opposition, they had crept securely 
into the prince's favour as the partners of his dissipa- 
tion and of his questionable secrets ; while even his 
older friends showed no reluctance that a girl of that 
standing should gratify, without injury to anyone, 
the cravings of the emperor : for, whether from 
some whim of fate or because the illicit is stronger 
than the licit, he abhorred his wife Octavia, in spite 
of her high descent and proved honour ; and there 
was always the risk that, if he were checked in this 
passion, his instincts would break out at the expense 
of women of rank. 

XIII. But Agrippina, true to her sex, vented her 
spleen against " her competitor the freedwoman," 
" her daughter-in-law the waiting-maid," with 
more in the same vein. She declined to await the 

* The future emperor. 6 XV. 50, 56, 58, 70. 

19 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

opperiri, quantoque 1'oediora exprobrabat, acrius 
aceendere, donee vi araoris subactus exueret obse- 
quium in matrem seque Senecae permitteret, ex 
cuius familiaribus Annaeus Serenus simulatione 
amoris adversus eandem libertam primas adules- 
centis cupidines velaverat praebueratque nomen, ut 
quae princeps furtim mulierculae tribuebat, ille palam 
largiretur. Turn Agrippina versis artibus per blandi- 
menta iuvenem adgredi, suum potius eubiculum ac 
sinum offerre contegendis quae prima aetas et summa 
fortuna expeterent : quin et fatebatur intempestivam 
severitatem et suarum opum, quae haud procul 
imperatoriis aberant, copias tradebat, ut nimia nuper 
eoercendo filio. ita rursum intemperanter demissa. 
Quae nurtatio neque Neronem fefellit, et proximi 
amicorum rnetuebant orabantque eavere insidias 
mulieris semper atrocis, turn et falsae. 

Forte illis diebus Caesar inspecto ornatu, quo 
principum coniuges ac parentes effulserant, deligit 
vestem et gemmas misitque donum matri nulla 
parsimonia, cum praecipua et cupita aliis prior 
deferret. Sed Agrippina non his instrui cultus suos, 
sed ceteris arceri proclamat et dividere filium, quae 
cuncta ex ipsa haberet. 



1 Haec tibi scribo, is qui Annaeum Serenum, carissimum 
mihi, tarn immodice flevi ut (quod minime velira) inter exempla 
sim eorurn quos dolor vicit, Sen. Ep. 63. — Much younger than 
Seneca, he was praefectv* vigilum, and died, with some of his 
tribunes and centurions, through eating poisonous fungi at a 
dinner (Plin. H.N. 23, 96). 



BOOK XIII. xiii. 

repentance, or satiety, of her son, and the fouler she 
made her imputations, the more she fanned the flame ; 
till at last, conquered by the force of his infatuation, 
he threw off his filial obedience and put himself in 
the hands of Seneca, whose friend Annaeus Serenus 1 
had screened his adolescent desires by feigning an 
intrigue with the same freedwoman, and had been 
so liberal with his name that the gifts covertly 
bestowed on the girl by the emperor were, to the 
eye of the world, lavished upon her by Serenus. 
Agrippina now reversed her methods, attacked the 
prince with blandishments, and offered her bedroom 
and its privacy to conceal the indulgences claimed 
by his opening manhood and sovereign rank. She 
even confessed her mistimed harshness, and — with 
an exaggerated humility as marked in its turn as her 
late excessive severity in repressing her son — offered 
to transfer to him her private resources, which were 
not greatly less than those of the sovereign. The 
change did not escape the attention of Nero, and 
roused the alarm of his intimates, who begged him 
to be on his guard against the machinations of a 
woman, always ruthless, and now, in addition, false. 
During these days, as chance would have it, the 
Caesar, who had been inspecting the apparel which 
had once glittered on wives and matrons of the 
imperial family, selected a dress and jewels and sent 
them as a gift to his mother. Parsimony in the action 
there was none, for he was bestowing unasked some 
of the most valuable and coveted articles. But 
Agrippina protested loudly that the present was 
designed less to enrich her wardrobe than to deprive 
her of what remained, and that her son was dividing 
property which he held in entirety from herself. 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XIV. Nee defuere qui in deterius referrent. Et 
Nero infensus iis, quibus superbia muliebris innite- 
batur, demovet Pallantem cura rerum, quis a Claudio 
impositus velut arbitrium regni agebat ; ferebaturque 
degrediente eo magna prosequentium multitudine 
non absurde dixisse, ire Pallantem, ut eiuraret. 
Sane pepigerat Pallas, ne cuius facti in praeteritum 
interrogaretur paresque rationes cum re publica 
haberet. Praeceps posthac Agrippina ruere ad 
terrorem et minas, neque principis auribus abstinere. 
quo minus testaretur adultum iam esse Britannicum, 
veram dignamque stirpem suscipiendo patris imperio, 
quod insitus et adoptivus per iniurias matris exerceret. 
Non abnuere se, quin cuncta infelicis domus mala 
patefierent. suae in primis nuptiae, suum veneficium : 
id solum dis et sibi provisum, quod viveret pi'ivignus. 
Ituram cum illo in castra ; audiretur hinc Germanici 
filia, inde t/ebilis rursus 1 Burrus et exul Seneca, 
trunca scilicet manu et professoria lingua generis 
humani regimen expostulates. Simul intendere 
manus, aggerere probra, consecratum Claudium, 
infernos Silanorum manis invocare et tot inrita 
facinora. 

1 [rursus] Acidalius, Murctus. 



1 His position as libertus a mtionibus (XI. 29 n.). 

2 A high magistrate, on laying down his office, took a formal 
oath se nihil contra leges fecisse (Plin. Pan. 65), and was 
attended on the occasion by a retinue of friends. Here the 
consul or praetor is replaced by an ex-slave, the friends by a 
regiment of satellites, the oath by the far-sighted stipulation 
mentioned in the next sentence. 

3 That of the praetorians. 

4 XII. 8; XIII. 1. 

22 



BOOK XIII. xiv. 

XIV. Persons were not lacking to report her 
words with a more sinister turn ; and Nero, exas- 
perated against the suppoi-ters of this female 
arrogance, removed Pallas from the charge x to 
which he had been appointed by Claudius, and in 
which he exercised virtual control over the monarchy. 
The tale went that, as he left the palace with an 
ai-my of attendants, the prince remarked not un- 
happily that Pallas was on the way to swear himself 
out of office. 2 He had, in fact, stipulated that there 
should be no retrospective inquiry into any of his 
actions, and that his accounts with the state should 
be taken as balanced. At once, Agrippina rushed 
headlong into a policy of terror and of threats, and 
the imperial ears were not spared the solemn 
reminder that " Britannicus was now of age — 
Britannicus, the genuine and deserving stock to 
succeed to his father's power, which an interloping 
heir by adoption now exercised in virtue of the 
iniquities of his mother. She had no objection to 
the whole dark history of that unhappy house being 
published to the world, her own marriage first of all, 
and her own resort to poison : one sole act of fore- 
sight lay to the credit of Heaven and herself — her 
stepson lived. She would go with him to the camp. 3 
There, let the daughter of Germanicus be heard mi 
the one side ; on the other, the cripple Burrus and 
the exile Seneca, claiming, forsooth, by right of a 
maimed hand and a professorial tongue the regency 
of the human race ! " As she spoke, she raised a 
threatening arm, and, heaping him with reproaches, 
invoked the deified Claudius, the shades of the 
dead Silani, 4 and all the crimes committed to no 
effect. 

23 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XV. Turbatus his Nero et propinquo die, quo 
quartum deeumum aetatis annum Britannicus exple- 
bat. volutare secum modo matris violentiam, modo 
ipsius indolem, lev\ quidem experimento nuper 
cognitam, quo tamen favorem late quaesivisset. 
Festis Saturno diebus inter alia aequalium ludicra 
regnum lusu sortientium evenerat ea sors Neroni. 
Igitur ceteris diversa nee ruborem adlatura : ubi 
Britannico iussit exsurgeret progressusque in medium 
cantum aliquem inciperet, inrisum ex eo sperans 
pueri sobrios quoque convictus, nedum temulentos 
ignorantis, ille constanter exorsus est carmen, quo 
evolutum eum sede patria rebusque summis signi- 
ricabatur. Unde orta miseratio manifestior, quia 
dissimulationem nox et lascivia exemerat. Nero 
intellecta invidia odium intendit ; urguentibusque 
Agrippinae minis, quia nullum crimen neque iubere 
caedem fratris palam audebat, occulta molitur 
pararique venenum iubet. ministro Pollione Iulio 
praetoriae cohortis tribuno. cuius cura attinebatur 
damnata veneficii nomine Locusta, multa scelerum 
fama. Nam ut proximus quisque Britannico neque 
fas neque fidem pensi haberet, olim provisum erat. 
Primum venenum ab ipsis educatoribus accepit, 
tramisitque exsoluta alvo parum validum, sive tem- 
peramentum inerat, ne statim saeviret. Sed Nero 

1 The point was of importance, as he would then assume the 
toga virilis. 

2 'Ev EaropvaAioij AeAoyx* fiaoi\evs' Z8o£e yap nai^a.' ravr-qv 
t?)v naiBidv. ■nponraoaf.i " au me, av xipaoov, av daov, av 
o-rreXde, aviXOi^'i Epict. Diss. I. 25, 8;. 

s XII. 66 a. 
24 



BOOK XIII. xv. 

XV. Perturbed by her attitude, and faced with 
the approach of the day on which Britannicus com- 
pleted his fourteenth year, 1 Nero began to revolve, 
now his mother's proclivity to violence, now the 
character of his rival, — lately revealed by a test 
which, trivial as it was, had gained him wide sym- 
pathy. During the festivities of the Saturnalia, 
while his peers in age were varying their diversions 
by throwing dice for a king, the lot had fallen upon 
Nero. On the others he imposed various orders, 
not likelv to put them to the blush : but, when he 
commanded Britannicus to rise, advance into the 
centre, and strike up a song 2 — this, in the hope of 
turning into derision a boy who knew little of sober, 
much less of drunken, society — his victim firmly 
began a poem hinting at his expulsion from his 
father's house and throne. His bearing awoke a 
pity the more obvious that night and revelry had 
banished dissimulation. Nero, once aware of the 
feeling aroused, redoubled his hatred ; and with 
Agrippina's threats becoming instant, as he had 
no grounds for a criminal charge against his brother 
and dared not openly order his execution, he tried 
secrecy and gave orders for poison to be prepared, 
his agent being Julius Pollio, tribune of a praetorian 
cohort, and responsible for the detention of the 
condemned poisoner Locusta, 3 whose fame as a 
criminal stood high. For that no one about the 
person of Britannicus should regard either right or 
loyalty was a point long since provided for. The 
first dose the boy received from his own tutors, but 
his bowels were opened, and he passed the drug, 
which either lacked potency or contained a dilution 
to prevent immediate action. Nero, however, 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

lenti sceleris inpatiens minitari tribuno, iubere 
supplicium veneficae, quod, dum rumorem respiciunt, 
dum parant dofensiones, securitatem morarentur. 
Promittentibus dein tarn praecipiteni necem, quam 
si ferro urgueretur, cubiculum Caesaris iuxta deeo- 
quitur virus cognitis antea venenis rapidum. 

XVI. Mos habebatur principum liberos cum ceteris 
idem aetatis nobilibus sedentes vesci in aspectu 
propinquorum propria et parciore mensa. Illic 
epulante Britannico, quia cibos potusque eius delectus 
ex ministris gustu explorabat, ne omitteretur institu- 
tum aut utriusque morte proderetur scelus, talis dolus 
repertus est. Innoxia adhuc ac praecalida et libata 
gustu potio traditur Britannico ; dein. postquam 
fervore aspernabatur, frigida in aqua adfunditur 
venenum, quod ita cunctos eius artus pervasit, ut 
vox pariter et spiritus raperentur. Trepidatur a 
circumsedentibus, diffugiunt imprudentes : at quibus 
altior intellectus, resistunt defixi et Neronem in- 
tuentes. Ille ut erat reclinis et nescio similis, 
solitum ita ait per comitialem morbum, quo prima 
ab infantia adflictaretur Britannicus, et redituros 
paulatim visus sensusque. At Agrippinae is pavor, 
ea consternatio mentis, quarnvis vultu premeretur, 



1 First on a kid, which lived five hours ; then, after improve- 
ments, on a young pis;, which was statim exanimatus (Suet. 
Ner. 33). 

2 Their elders reclined. The custom was observed at the 
courts both of Augustus and of Claudius — under Tiberius and 
Caligula the case did not arise — and Suetonius' memory fails 
him when he notices a " belief " that Titus, iuxta Cubans, also 
tasted the poisoned wine and narrowly escaped the conse- 
quences. 

26 



BOOK XIII. xv.-xvi. 

impatient of so much leisure in crime, threatened 
the tribune and ordered the execution of the poisoner, 
on the ground that, with their apprehensions of 
scandal and their preparations for defence, they 
were delaying his release from anxiety. They now 
promised that death should be as abrupt as if it were 
the summary work of steel ; and a potion — its 
rapidity guaranteed by a previous test of the in- 
gredients 1 — was concocted hard by the Caesar's 
bedroom. 

XVI. It was the regular custom that the children 
of the emperors should take their meals in sight of 
their relatives, 2 seated with other nobles of their age 
at a more frugal table of their own. There Britan- 
nicus dined ; and, as his food, solid and liquid, was 
tried by a taster chosen from his attendants, the 
following expedient was discovered, to avoid either 
changing the rule or betraying the plot by killing 
both master and man. A drink, still harmless, very 
hot, and already tasted, was handed to Britannicus ; 
then, when he declined it as too warm, cold water 
was poured in, and with it the poison ; which ran so 
effectively through his whole system that he lost 
simultaneously both voice and breath. There was 
a startled movement in the company seated around, 
and the more obtuse began to disperse ; those who 
could read more clearly sat motionless, their eyes 
riveted on Nero. He, without changing his recum- 
bent attitude or his pose of unconsciousness, observed 
that this was a usual incident, due to the epilepsy 
with which Britannicus had been afflicted from his 
earliest infancy '. sight and sensation would return 
by degrees. But from Agrippina, in spite of her 
control over her features, came a flash of such terror 

27 

VOL. IV. B 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

emicuit, ut perinde ignaram f'uisse atque Octaviam 
sororem Britannici constiterit : quippe sibi supremum 
auxilium ereptumetparricidii exemplum intellegebat. 
Octavia quoque, quamvis rudibus annis, dolorem. 
caritatem, omnis adfectus abscondere didicerat. 
Ita post breve silentium repetita convivi laetitia. 

XVII. Nox eadem necem Britannici et rogum con- 
iunxit, proviso ante funebri paratu, qui modicus fuit. 
In campo tamen Martis sepultus est adeo turbidis 
imbribus, ut vulgus iram deum portendi crediderit 
acUersus facinus, cui plerique etiam x hominum 
ignoscebant, antiquas fratrum discordias et insocia- 
bile regnum aestimantes. Tradunt plerique eorum 
temporum scriptores, crebris ante exitium diebus 
illusum isse pueritiae Britannici Neronem, ut iam 
non praematura neque saeva mors videri queat, 
quamvis inter sacra mensae, ne tempore quidem ad 
complexum sororum dato, ante oculos inimici pro- 
perata sit in ilium supremum Claudiorum sanguinem. 
stupro prius quam veneno pollutum. Festinationem 
exsequiarum edicto Caesar defendit, ita 2 maioribus 
institutum referens, subtrahere oculis acerba funera 
neque laudationibus aut pompa detinere. Ceteruin 

1 etiam] tamen Heinsius, Halm. 

2 ita Halm : id a Med. 1 , id Med. 

1 In the Mausoleum of Augustus (I. 8 n.). 

2 Whose ethical code might be expected to be more 
rigid, since they lack the true Olympian impartiality erga 
bona malaque noted at XVI. 33. But the text does not 
inspire complete confidence. 

28 



BOOK XIII. xvi.-xvii. 

and mental anguish that it was obvious she had been 
as completely in the dark as the prince's sister 
Octavia. She saw, in fact, that her last hope had 
been taken — that the precedent for matricide had 
been set. Octavia, too, youth and inexperience 
notwithstanding, had learned to hide her griefs, her 
affections, her every emotion. Consequently, after 
a short silence, the amenities of the banquet were 
resumed. 

XVII. The same night saw the murder of Britan- 
nicus and his pyre, the funeral apparatus — modest 
enough — having been provided in advance. Still, 
his ashes were buried in the Field of Mars, 1 under 
such a tempest of rain that the crowd believed it to 
foreshadow the anger of the gods against a crime 
which, even among men, 2 was condoned by the many 
who took into account the ancient instances of 
brotherly hatred and the fact that autocracy knoMS 
no partnership. The assertion is made by many 
contemporary authors that, for days before the 
murder, the worst of all outrages had been offered 
by Nero to the boyish years of Britannicus : in which 
case, it ceases to be possible to regard his death as 
either premature or cruel, though it was amid 
the sanctities of the table, without even a respite 
allowed in which to embrace his sister, and under 
the eyes of his enemy, that the hurried doom fell 
on this last scion of the Claudian house, upon whom 
lust had done its unclean work before the poison. 
The hastiness of the funeral was vindicated in an 
edict of the Caesar, who called to mind that " it 
was a national tradition to withdraw these untimely 
obsequies from the public gaze and not to detain 
it by panegyrics and processions. However, now 

29 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

et sibi amisso fratris auxilio reliquas spes in re publica 
sitas, et tanto magis fovendum patribus populoque 
prineipem, qui unus superesset e familia summum ad 
fastigium genita. 

XVIII. Exim largitione potissimos amieorum auxit. 
Nee defuere qui arguerent vivos gravitatem adsever- 
antis, quod domos, villas, id temporis quasi praedam 
divisissent. Alii necessitatem adhibit am credebant 
a principe, sceleris sibi conscio et veniam sperante, 
si largitionibus validissimum quemque obstrinxisset. 
At matris ira nulla muniticentia leniri, sed amplecti 
Octaviam, crebra cum amicis secreta habere, super 
ingenitam avaritiam undique pecunias quasi in 
subsidium corripiens, tribunos et centuriones comiter 
excipere, nomina et virtutes nobilium, qui etiam turn 
supererant, in honore habere, quasi quaereret ducem 
et partis. Cognitum id Neroni, excubiasque mili- 
taris, quae ut coniugi imperatoris olim, turn ut matri 
sefvabantur, et Germanos nuper eundem m 1 hono- 
rem custodes additos degredi iubet. Ac ne coetu 
salutantium frequentaretur, separat domum matrem- 
que transfert in earn, quae Antoniae fuerat, quotiens 
ipse illuc ventitaret, saeptus turba centurionum et 
post breve osculum digrediens. 

XIX. Nihil rerum mortalium tarn instabile ac 
1 nuper eundem in Boetticher : super eundem. 

1 The Claudian house, of which he was a memher by adop- 
tion and on the mother's side by descent. 

2 See XV. 58 n. 

3 Claudius' mother — the grandmother of Agrippina. 

3° 



BOOK XIII. xvii.- xix. 

that he had lost the aid of his brother, not only were 
his remaining hopes centred in the state, but the 
senate and people themselves must so much the 
more cherish their prince as the one survivor of a 
family 1 born to the heights of power." 

XVIII. He now conferred bounties on his chief 
friends. Nor were accusers wanting for the men of 
professed austerity, who at such a moment had 
partitioned town and country houses like so much 
loot. Others believed that compulsion had been 
applied by the emperor, conscience-struck by his 
crime but hopeful of pardon, if he could lay the 
powerful under obligation by a display of liberality. 
But his mother's anger no munificence could assuage. 
She took Octavia to her heart ; she held frequent and 
private interviews with her friends ; while with even 
more than her native cupidity she appropriated 
money from all sources, apparently to create a fund 
for emergencies. Tribunes and centurions she 
received with suavity ; and for the names and virtues 
of the nobility — there was a nobility still — she 
showed a respect which indicated that she was in 
quest of a leader and a faction. Nero knew it, and 
gave orders to withdraw the military watch, which 
she had received as the wife, and retained as the 
mother, of the sovereign, along with the Germans 2 
lately assigned to her as a bodyguard for the same 
complimentary motive. That her levees should 
not be frequented by a crowd of visitants, he made 
his own establishment separate, installed his mother 
in the house once belonging to Antonia, 3 and, at his 
visits to her new quarters, came surrounded by a 
throng of centurions and left after a perfunctory kiss. 

XIX. Nothing in the list of mortal things is so 

3 1 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

fluxinn est quam fama potentiae non sua vi nixae. 
Statim relictum Agrippinae limen : nemo solari. nemo 
adire praeter paueas feminas, amore an odio incertas. 
Ex quibus erat Iunia Silana, quam matrimonio C. Sili 
a Messalina depulsam supra rettuli, insignis genere 
forma lascivia, et Agrippinae diu percara, mox 
occultis inter eas oftensionibus, quia Sextium Afri- 
cannm nobilem iuvenem a nuptiis Silanae deterru- 
erat Agrippina, inpudicam et vergentem annis 
dictitans, non ut Africanum sibi seponeret. sed ne 
opibus et orbitate Silanae maritus poteretur. Ilia 
spe ultionis oblata parat accusatores ex clientibus 
suis, Iturium et Calvisium, non vetera et saepius iam 
audita deferens, quod Britannici mortem lugeret aut 
Octaviae iniurias evulgaret. sed destinavisse earn 
Rubellium Plautum. per maternam originem pari ac 
Nero gradu a divo Augusto, ad res novas extollere 
eoniugioque eius et iam imperio x rem publieam 
rursus invadere. Haec Iturius et Calvisius Atimeto 
Domitiae Neronis amitae liberto, aperiunt. Qui 
laetus oblatis (quippe inter Agrippinam et Domitiam 
infensa aemulatio exercebatur") Paridem histrionem, 
libertum et ipsum Domitiae, impulit ire proptre 
erimenque atrociter deferre. 

1 et iam imperio J. F. Gronovius : etiam perio Med., et 
imperio Nipperdey. 

1 XL 12. 

2 Son of Rubellius Blandus and Drusus' daughter Julia 
(VI. 27) ; therefore great-grandson of Tiberius, and great- great- 
grandson of Tiberius' adoptive father Augustus, to whom Nero 
stood in the same relationship by direct descent on the 
mother's side. — See XIV. 22 ; 57 sqq. 

3 Sister of Messalina's mother. Her husband Crispus Pas- 
sienus ( VI. 20 n.) had divorced her in order to many Aerippina, 
whence, no doubt, the feud. 

32 



BOOK XIII. xix. 

unstable and so fleeting as the fame attached to a 
power not based on its own strength. Immediately 
Agrippina's threshold was forsaken : condolences 
there were none ; visits there were none, except 
from a few women, whether out of love or hatred is 
uncertain. Among them was Junia Silana, driven 
by Messalina from her husband Silanus, as I related 
above. 1 Eminent equally in blood, beauty, and 
voluptuousness, she was long the bosom friend of 
Agrippina. Then came a private quarrel between 
the pair : for Agrippina had deterred the young 
noble Sextius Africanus from marriage with Silana 
by describing her as a woman of no morals and 
uncertain age ; not with the intention of reserving 
Africanus for herself, but to keep a wealthy and 
childless widow from passing into the possession 
of a husband. With the prospect of revenge pre- 
senting itself, Silana now suborned two of her clients, 
Iturius and Calvisius, to undertake the accusation ; 
her charge being not the old, oft-heard tale that 
Agrippina was mourning the death of Britannicus or 
publishing the wrongs of Octavia, but that she had 
determined to encourage Rubellius Plautus 2 into 
revolution — on the maternal side he was a descen- 
dant of the deified Augustus in the same degree as 
Nero — and as the partner of his couch and then of 
his throne to make her way once more into the 
conduct of affairs. The charges were communicated 
by Iturius and Calvisius to Atimetus, a freedman of 
Nero's aunt Domitia. 3 Overjoyed at this windfall — 
for competition was bitter between Agrippina and 
Domitia — Atimetus incited the actor Pallas, also a 
freedman of Domitia, to go on the instant and present 
the charge in the darkest colours. 

33 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XX. Provecta nox erat et Neroni per vinolentiam 

trahebatur, cum ingreditur Paris, solitus alioquin id 
temporis luxus principis intendere, sed tunc com- 
positus ad maestitiam, expositoque indicii ordine 
ita audientem exterret, ut non tantum matrem 
Plautumque interficere, sed Burrum etiam demovere 
praefectura destinaret, tamquam Agrippinae gratia 
provectum et vicem reddentem. Fabius Rusticus 
auctor est, scriptos esse ad Caecinam Tuscum codi- 
cillos, mandata ei praetoriarum cohortium cura, sed 
ope Senecae dignationem Burro retentam : Plinius 
et Cluvius nihil dubitatum de fide praefecti referunt ; 
sane Fabius inclinat ad laudes Senecae, cuius amicitia 
floruit. Nos consensum auctorum secuturi, quae 1 
diversa prodiderint, sub nominibus ipsorum trademus. 
Nero trepidus et interficiendae matris avidus non 
prius differ ri potuit, quam Burrus necem eius promit- 
teret, si facinoris coargueretur : sed cuicumquc. 
nedum parenti defensionem tribuendam : nee aceusa- 
tores adesse, sed vocem unius ex inimica domo 
adferri : reputaret tenebras et vigilatam convivio 
noctem omniaque temeritati et inscitiae propiora. 

XXI. Sic lenito principis metu et luce orta itur ad 

1 quae G : qui Med., <si> qui Halm, (after Walther). 

1 " The most eloquent of the moderns, as Livy of the 
ancients"' (Agr. 10); generally identified with the rir saeculo- 
rum memoria dignus of Quint. X. 1, 104; apparently a legatee, 
along with Tacitus and the younger Pliny, under the will of 
Dasumius (C.I.L. VI. p. 1350). 

2 See the note on XII. 43. 

3 M. Cluvius Rufus, consul (suffectus) under Caligula, and 
present at his murder (Jos. A.J. XIX. 1, 13); accompanied 
Nero to Greece, acting (in succession to Gallio) as his herald 
(D. Cass. LXIII. 14); legatus of Hispania Tarraconensis 
under Galba (Hid. I. 8) afterwards a prominent Vitellian ; 

34 



BOOK XIII. xx.-xxi. 

XX. The night was well advanced, and Nero was 
protracting it over his wane, when Paris — accustomed 
ordinarily about this hour to add life to the imperial 
debauch, but now composed to melancholy — entered 
the room, and by exposing the indictment in detail 
so terrified his auditor that he decided not merely 
to kill his mother and Plautus but even to remove 
Burrus from his command, on the ground that 
he owed his promotion to Agrippina and was now 
paying his debt. According to Fabius Rusticus, 1 
letters patent to Caecina Tuscus, investing him with 
the charge of the praetorian cohorts, were actually 
written, but by the intervention of Seneca the post 
was saved for Burrus. Pliny 2 and Cluvius 3 refer to 
no suspicion of the prefect's loyalty; and Fabius 
certainly tends to overpraise Seneca, by whose 
friendship he flourished. For m\*self, where the 
authorities are unanimous, I shall follow them : if 
their versions disagree, I shall record them under 
the names of their sponsors. — Unnerved and eager 
for the execution of his mother, Nero was not to be 
delayed, until Burrus promised that, if her guilt was 
proved, death should follow. " But," he added, 

any person whatsoever, above all a parent, would 
have to be allowed the opportunity of defence ; 
and here no accusers were present ; onlv a solitary 
voice, and that borne from the house of an enemy. 
Let him take into consideration the darkness, the 
wakeful night spent in conviviality, the whole of 
the circumstances, so conducive to rashness and 
unreason." 

XXI. When the emperor's fears had been thus 

regarded by Mommsen, in opposition to Nissen, as Tacitus' 
principal source in the Histories. 

35 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Agrippinam, ut nosceret obiecta dissoheretque vel 
poenas lueret. Burrus iis mandatis Seneca coram 
fungebatur ; aderant et ex libertis arbitri seiTnonis. 
Deinde a Burro, postquam crimina et auctores 
exposuit, minaciter actum. Et Agrippina, ferociae 
memor, " Non miror " inquit " Silanam. numquam 
edito partu, matrum adfectus ignotos habere ; neque 
enim perinde a parentibus liberi quam ab inpudica 
adulteri mutantur. Nee si Iturius et Calvisius 
adesis omnibus fortunis novissimam suscipiendae 
accusationis operam anui rependunt, ideo aut mihi 
infamia parricidii aut Caesari conscientia subeunda 
est. Nam Domitiae inimicitiis ffratias agerem, si 
benevolentia mecum in Neronem meum certaret : 
nunc per concubinum Atimetum et histrionem Pari- 
dem quasi scaenae fabulas componit. 1 Baiarum 
suarum piscinas extollebat, cum meis consiliis adoptio 
et proconsulare ius et designatio consulatus et cetera 
apiscendo imperio praepararentur. Aut exsistat 
qui cohortis in urbe temptatas, qui provinciarum 
fidem labefactatam, denique servos vel libertos ad 
scelus corruptos arguat. Vivere ego Britannico 
potiente rerurn poteram ? Ac si Plautus aut quis 
alius rem publicam iudicaturus obtinuerit, desunt 
scilicet mihi accusatores, qui non verba impatientia 

1 The words nunc . . . componit were plausibly transposed 
by Xipp^rdty to follow praepararentur below. 

36 



BOOK XIII. xxi. 

calmed, at break of day a visit was paid to Agrippina ; 
who was to listen to the charges, and rebut them or 
pay the penalty. The commission was carried out 
by Burrus under the eye of Seneca : a number of 
freedmen also were present as witnesses to the 
conversation. Then, after recapitulating the charges 
and their authors, Burrus adopted a threatening 
attitude. Agrippina summoned up her pride : — 
I am not astonished," she said, " that Silana, who 
has never known maternity, should have no know- 
ledge of a mother's heart : for parents do not change 
their children as a wanton changes her adulterers. 
Nor, if Iturius and Calvisius, after consuming the 
last morsel of their estates, pay their aged mistress 
the last abject service of undertaking a delation, is 
that a reason why my own fair fame should be 
darkened by the blood of my son or the emperor's 
conscience by that of his mother ? For as to Domitia 
— I should thank her for her enmity, if she were 
competing with me in benevolence to my Nero, 
instead of staging this comedy with the help of her 
bedfellow Atimetus and her mummer Paris. In the 
days when my counsels were preparing his adoption, 
his proconsular power, his consulate in prospect, and 
the other steps to his sovereignty, she was embel- 
lishing the fish-ponds of her beloved Baiae. — 
Or let a man stand forth to convict me of tam- 
pering with the guards in the capital — of shaking 
the allegiance of the provinces — or, finally, of seduc- 
ing either slave or freedman into crime ! Could 
/ have lived with Britannicus on the throne ? And 
if Plautus or another shall acquire the empire and 
sit in judgement, am I to assume there is a dearth of 
accusers prepared to indict me, no longer for the 

37 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

caritatis aliquando incauta, sed ea crimina obiciant, 
quibus nisi a filio absolvi non possim." Commotis 
qui aderant ultroque spiritus eius mitigantibus, 
conloquium filii exposcit ; ubi nihil pro innocentia, 
quasi diffideret, nee de 1 beneficiis, quasi exprobraret, 
disseruit, sed ultionem in delatores et praemia amicis 
obtinuit. 

XXII. Praefectura annonae Faenio Eufo, cura lu- 
dorum, qui a Caesare parabantur, Arruntio Stellae, 
Aegyptus Ti. 2 Balbillo permittuntur. Suria P. 
Anteio destinata, set variis mox artibus elusus, ad 
postremum in urbe retentus est. At Silana in exilium 
acta, Calvisius quoque et Iturius relegantur ; de 
Atimeto supplicium sumptum, validiore apud libidines 
principis Paride, quam ut poena adficeretur. Plautus 
ad praesens silentio transmissus est. 

XXIII. Deferuntur dehinc consensisse Pallas ac 
Burrus, ut Cornelius Sulla claritudine generis et ad- 
finitate Claudii, cui per nuptias Antoniae gener erat. 
ad imperium vocaretur. Eius accusationis auctor ex- 
titit Paetus quidam, exereendis apud aerarium sec- 
tionibus famosus et turn vanitatis manifestus. Nee 
tam grata Pallantis innocentia quam gravis superbia 
fuit: quippe nominatis libertis eius, quos conscios 

1 <de> Acidalius. 2 Ti. Labus : C. 

1 He was, however, executed later (07 a.d.) by Nero as a 
professional rival (Suet. Ner. 54 ; D. Cass. LXIII. 18). His 
only connection with the more famous Paris of the Flavian 
period is the name, which was common on the stage. 

2 Chap. 47 n. 

3S 



BOOK XIII. xxi.-xxm. 

occasional hasty utterances of an ill-regulated love, 
but for guilt from which only a son can absolve? " 
The listeners were moved, and ventured an attempt 
to calm her transports, but she demanded an inter- 
view with her son. There she neither spoke in 
support of her innocence, as though she could 
entertain misgivings, nor on the theme of her 
services, as though she would cast them in his teeth, 
but procured vengeance upon her accusers and 
recognition for her friends. 

XXII. The prefectship of the corn supply was 
awarded to Faenius Rufus ; the supervision of the 
Games, now in preparation by the Caesar, to Ar- 
runtius Stella ; Egypt, to Tiberius Balbillus. Syria 
was marked out for Publius Anteius ; but later, by 
one subterfuge or another, his claims were eluded, 
and finally he was kept in Rome. Silana, on the 
other side, was driven into exile ; Calvisius and 
Iturius, also, were relegated ; on Atimetus the 
death penalty was inflicted, Paris being too powerful 
a figure in the debaucheries of the emperor to be 
liable to punishment. 1 Plautus. for the moment, 
was passed over in silence. 

XXIII. Information was next laid that Pallas 
and Burrus had agreed to call Cornelius Sulla 2 to the 
empire, on the strength of his distinguished race and 
his connection with Claudius, whose son-in-law he 
had become by his marriage with Antonia. The 
accusation was fathered by a certain Paetus, notorious 
for the systematic purchase of confiscated estates 
from the treasury, and now plainly guilty of falsehood. 
But the innocence of Pallas gave less pleasure 
than his arrogance evoked disgust : for when the 
freedmen were named whose complicity he was 

39 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

haberet, respondit nihil umquam se domi nisi nutu aut 
manu significasse, vel si plura demonstranda essent, 
scripto usum, ne vocem consociaret. Burrus quamvis 
reus inter iudices sententiam dixit. Exiliumque 
accusatori inrogatum et tabulae exustae sunt, quibus 
oblitterata aerarii nomina l retrahebat. 

XXIV. Fine anni statio cohortis adsidere ludis 
solita demovetur, quo maior species libertatis esset, 
utque miles theatrali licentiae non permixtus incor- 
ruptior ageret et plebes daret experimentum, an 
amotis custodibus modestiam retineret. Urbem 
princeps lustravit ex response- haruspicum, quod lovis 
ac Minervae aedes de caelo tactae erant. 

XXV. Q. Volusio P. Scipione consulibus otium foris, 
foeda domi lascivia, qua Nero itinera urbis et lupa- 
naria et deverticula veste servib in dissimulationem 
sui compositus pererrabat, cornitantibus qui raperent 
venditioni exposita et obviis vulnera inferrent, 
adversus ignaros adeo, ut ipse quoque exciperet ictus 
et ore praeferret. Deinde ubi Caesarem esse, qui 
grassaretur, pernotuit augebanturque iniuriae 
adversus viros feminasque insignis, et quidam 

1 nomina J. F. Gronovius : monimenta. 

1 Since he was a knight, the trial mu3t have been held, not 
in the Senate, but in the private court of the emperor. 

40 



BOOK XIII. xxm.-xxv. 

alleged to have used, he replied that, under his 
own roof, he had never intimated an order but by 
a nod or a motion of the hand ; or, if more explanation 
was needed, he had used writing, so as to avoid 
all interchange of speech. Burrus, though on his 
trial, recorded his vote among the judges. 1 Sentence 
of banishment was passed on the prosecutor, and the 
account books, by help of which he was resuscitating 
forgotten claims of the treasury, were burned. 

XXIV. At the end of the year, the cohort usually 
present on guard at the Games was withdrawn ; 
the objects being to give a greater appearance of 
liberty, to prevent the troops from being corrupted 
by too close contact with the licence of the theatre, 
and to test whether the populace would continue 
its orderly behaviour when its custodians were 
removed. A lustration of the city was carried out 
by the emperor at the recommendation of the 
soothsayers, since the temples of Jupiter and 
Minerva had been struck by lightning. 

XXV. The consulate of Quintus Volusius and a.v.c. 800 
Publius Scipio was marked by peace abroad and by A " D ' 6G 
disgraceful excesses at home, where Nero — his 
identity dissembled under the dress of a slave — 
ranged the streets, the brothels, and the wine-shops 

of the capital, with an escort whose duties were to 
snatch wares exhibited for sale and to assault all 
persons they met, the victims having so little inkling 
of the truth that he himself took his buffets with the 
rest and bore their imprints on his face. Then, it 
became notorious that the depredator was the 
Caesar ; outrages on men and women of rank in- 
creased ; others, availing themselves of the licence 
once accorded, began with impunity, under the 

4i 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

permissa semel licentia sub nomine Neronis inulti 
propriis cum globis eadem exercebant, in moduru 
captivitatis nox agebatur ; Iuliusque Montanus 
senatorii ordinis, sed qui nondum honorem capessisset, 
congressus forte per tenebras cum principe, quia 
vi attemptantem acriter reppulerat, deinde adgnitum 
oraverat, quasi exprobr asset, mori adactus est. 
Nero tamen 1 metuentior in posterum rnilites sibi et 
plerosque gladiatores circumdedit, qui rixarum initia 
modica et quasi privata sinerent : si a laesis validius 
ageretur, arma inferebant. Ludicram quoque licen- 
tiam et fautores histrionum velut in proelia convertit 
inpunitate et praemiis atque ipse occultus et ple- 
rumque coram prospectans, donee discordi populo et 
gravioris motus terrore non aliud remedium repertum 
est. quam ut histriones Italia pellerentur milesque 
theatro rursum adsideret. 

XXVI. Per idem tempus actum in senatu de fraudi- 
bus libertorum. efflagitatumque ut adversus male 
meritos revocandae libertatis ius patronis daretur. 
Nee deerant qui censerent, sed consules relationem 
incipere non ausi ignaro principe, perscripsere tamen 
ei consensum senatus. Ille an auctor constitutionis 
fieret, . . . 2 ut inter paucos et sententiae diversos, 3 

1 tainen Petersen : tu or au. ... Andresen. 

3 diversos Lipsiu-s : adversos. 

1 The text is past restoration, but the discussion takes place 
at a private council in the palace. 

42 



BOOK XIII. xxv.-xxvi. 

name of Nero, to perpetrate the same excesses with 
their own gangs ; and night passed as it might in a 
captured town. Julius Montanus, a member of the 
senatorial order, though he had not yet held office, 
met the emperor casually in the dark, and, because 
he repelled his offered violence with spirit, then 
recognized his antagonist and asked for pardon, 
was forced to suicide, the apology being construed 
as a reproach. Nero, however, less venturesome for 
the future, surrounded himself with soldiers and 
crowds of gladiators, who were to stand aloof from 
incipient affrays of modest dimensions and semi- 
private character: should the injured party behave 
with too much energy, they threw their swords into 
the scale. Even the licence of the players and of 
the theatrical claques he converted into something 
like pitched battles by waiving penalties, by offering 
prizes, and by viewing the riots himself, sometimes 
in secret, very often openly ; until, with the populace 
divided against itself and still graver commotions 
threatened, no other cure appeared but to expel the 
actors from Italy and to have the soldiers again take 
their place in the theati'e. 

XXVI. About the same time, the senate discussed 
the iniquities of freedmen, and a demand was pressed 
that, in dealing with an undeserving case, the 
former owner should be allowed the right of annulling 
the emancipation. The proposal did not lack 
supporters ; but the consuls were not bold enough 
to put the motion without the cognizance of the 
emperor, though they advised him in writing of the 
feeling of the senate. Nero was doubtful whether to 
assume responsibility for the measure, as his advisers 
were few and their opinions conflicting. 1 Some were 

43 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

quibusdam coalitam libertate inreverentiam eo pro- 
rupisse frementibus, ut ne aequo quidem l cum 
patronis iure agerent, patientiam eorum insultarent 2 
ac verberibus manus ultro intenderent, impune 3 
vel poenam suam ipsi suadentes. 4 Quid enim aliud 
laeso patrono coneessum. quam ut centesimum ultra 
lapidem in oram Campaniae libertum releget ? 
Ceteras actiones promiscas et pares esse : tribuendum 
aliquod telum, quod sperni nequeat. Nee grave 
manu missis per idem obsequium retinendi liberta- 
tem, per quod adsecuti sint : at criminum manifestos 
merito ad servitutem retrahi, ut metu coerceantur. 
quos beneficia non mutavissent. 

XXVII. Disserebatur contra : paucorum culpam 
ipsis exitiosam esse debere, nihil universorum iuri 
derogandum ; quippe late fusum id corpus. Hinc 
plerumque tribus, decurias, ministeria magistratibus 
et sacerdotibus, cohortis etiam in urbe conscriptas ; 
et plurimis equitum, plerisque senatoribus non 
aliunde originem trahi : si separarentur libertini, 
manifestam fore penuriam ingenuorum. Non frustra 

1 ut ne aequo <quidem> Hiller : vine an aequo. 

2 patientiam . . . insultarent Buperti : sententiam . . . 
consultarent. 

3 impune Muretus : impulere. 

4 ipei suadentes Madvig : dissuadentes. Med., alii alia. 
The ichole passage, lunvever, is hopeless. 

1 The gayest and, to the delinquent, most desirable part of 
Italy, beginning conveniently at the hundred and seventh 
milestone. The penalty was therefore as Gilbertian as Trimal- 
cbio's " relegation " of his hall-porter from Cumae to Baiae 
(Petr. Sat. 53). 

2 Their only importance now was that they qualified for the 
corn-dole. 

44 



BOOK XIII. xxvi.-xxvn. 

indignant that " insolence, grown harder with 
liberty, had reached a point where freedmen were no 
longer content to be equal before the law with their 
patrons, but mocked their tameness and actually 
raised their hands to strike, without punishment — or 
with a punishment suggested by themselves ! For 
what redress was allowed to an injured patron, 
except to relegate his freedman beyond the hun- 
dredth milestone to the beaches of Campania ? l 
For anything else, the law-courts were open to both 
on equal terms ; and some weapon which it would 
be impossible to despise ought to be put into the 
hands of the freeborn. It would be no great burden 
to a manumitted slave to keep his freedom by the 
same obedience which had earned it : on the other 
hand, notorious offenders deserved to be brought 
back to their bondage, so that fear might coerce 
those whom kindness had not reformed." 

XXVII. It was urged on the other side that " the 
guilt of a few persons ought to be fatal only to them- 
selves : the rights of the class at large ought to 
suffer no detriment. For the body in question was 
widely extended. From it the tribes, 2 the decuries, 3 
the assistants of the magistrates and priests were 
very largely recruited; so also the cohorts 4 enrolled 
in the capital ; while the origin of most knights and 
of many senators was drawn from no other source. 
If the freed were set apart, the paucity of the free 
would be apparent ! It was not without reason that 

3 Guilds of magistrates' assistants — scribes, lictors, etc. 
The ministeria include those not organized in decuries — order- 
lies (accensi), criers {calatores), etc. 

4 Not the " urban cohorts " (IV. 5 n.), but the night-watch 
and fire-brigade (vigiles) : see XI. 35 n. 

4S 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

maiores, cum dignitatem ordinum dividerent, liberta- 
tem in communi posuisse. Quin et manu mittendi 
duas species institutas, ut relinqueretur paenitentiae 
aut novo beneficio locus. Quos vindicta patronus 
non liberaverit, velut vinclo servitutis attineri. Di- 
spiceret quisque merita tardeque concederet, quod 
datum non adimeretur. Haec sententia valuit, 
scripsitque Caesar senatui, privatim expenderent 
causam libertorum, quotiens a pati'onis arguerentur : 
in commune nihil derogarent. Nee multo post 
ereptus amitae libertus Paris quasi iure civili. non 
sine infamia principis, cuius iussu perpetratum 
ingenuitatis iudicium erat. 

XXVIII. Manebat nihilo minus quaedam imago 
rei publicae. NaminterYibulliumprcietorem et plebei 
tribunumAntistiumortumcertamen.quodinmodestos 
fautores histrionum et a praetore in vincla ductos 
tribunus omitti iussisset. Conprobavere patres, 
incusata Antistii licentia. Simul prohibiti tribuni 
ius praetorum et consulum praeripere aut vocare ex 
Italia, cum quibus lege agi posset. Addidit L. Piso 
designates consul, ne quid intra domum pro potestate 
adverterent, neve multam ab iis diet am quaestores 



1 I. Formal and complete emancipation, effected (a) " by tlie 
wand " (vindicta), the name coming from the wand laid on the 
slave's head during the ceremony; (b) by causing the slave to 
be enrolled as a citizen by the Censor (censu); (c) by will (testa- 
mento). II. Informal and incomplete emancipation, effected 
(a) by a verbal declaration in the presence of witnesses (inter 
amicos); (b) by a written and countersigned declaration (per 
epistulam) ; (c) by inviting the slave to his master's table 
(convivio). 

2 Paris had paid Domitia 10,000 sesterces for his freedom, 
and reclaimed the sum on the ground that he was of ingenuous 

46 



BOOK XIJI. xxvn.-xxviii. 

our ancestors, when distinguishing the position of 
the orders, made freedom the common property of 
all. Again, two forms of manumission 1 had been 
instituted, so as to leave room for a change of mind or 
a fresh favour. All, whose patron had not liberated 
them by the wand, were still, it might be said, held 
by the bond of servitude. The owner must look 
carefully into the merits of each case, and be slow in 
granting what, once given, could not be taken away." 
This view prevailed, and the Caesar wrote to the 
senate that they must consider individually all cases 
of freedmen accused by their patrons : no general 
rights were to be abrogated.— Nor was it long before 
his aunt was robbed of her freedman Paris, out- 
wardly by process of civil law, 2 and not without 
discredit to the sovereign, by whose order a verdict 
of ingenuous birth had been procured. 

XXVIII. There remained none the less some 
shadow of the republic. For a dispute arose between 
the praetor Vibullius and the plebeian tribune 
Antistius, because the tribune had ordered the 
release of some disorderly claqueurs thrown into 
prison by the praetor. The Fathers approved the 
arrest, and censured the liberty taken by Antistius. 
At the same time, the tribunes were forbidden to 
encroach on praetorian and consular jurisdiction or 
to summon litigants from Italian districts, should a 
civil action be possible there. 3 Lucius Piso, the 
consul designate, added a proposal that their official 
powers of punishment should not be exercised under 
their own roofs : fines inflicted by them were not to 

birth : in view of his influence with the emperor, only one ver- 
dict was possible (Dig. XII. 4. 3, 5). 

3 The sentence has not been satisfactorily elucidated. 

47 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

aerarii in publicas tabulas ante quattuor menses 
ref errent ; medio temporis contra dicere liceret, 
deque eo consules statuerent. Cohibita artius et 
aedilium potestas statutumque, quantum curules, 
quantum pleben pignoris caperent vel poenae inro- 
garent. Et Helvidius Priscus tribunus plebei adver- 
sus Obultronium Sabinum aerarii quaestorem con- 
tentiones proprias exercuit, tamquam ius hastae 
adversus inopes inclementer augeret. 1 Dein prin- 
ceps curam tabularum publicarum a quaestoribus 
ad praefectos transtulit. 

XXIX. Varie habita ac saepe mutata eius rei forma. 
Nam Augustus senatui permisit deligere praefectos ; 
deinde ambitu suffragiorum suspecto. sorte duce- 
bantur ex numero praetorum qui praeessent. Neque 
id diu mansit, quia sors deerrabat ad parum idoneos. 
Tunc 2 Claudius quaestores rursum imposuit, iisque. 
ne metu offensionum segnius consulerent, extra ordi- 
nera honores promisit : sed deerat robur aetatis eum 
primum magistratum capessentibus. Igitur Nero 
praetura perfunctos et experientia probatos delegit. 

XXX. Damnatus isdem consulibus Vipsanius 
Laenas ob Sardiniam provinciam avare habitam. 
Absolutus Cestius Proculus repetundarum, Cretensi- 

1 augeret] ageret Packlefs. 

2 tune] tum Nipperdey. 

1 See XII. 49 n. Which of the brothers (?) is meant, it is 
impossible to say : there are difficulties in the way of both 
identifications. 

2 The senatorial treasury — administered under the republic 
by quaestors, in the early years of Augustus, by prefects ; 
then, from 23 B.C. to 44 a.d., by praetors. Claudius restored 
the quaestors, who were now (58 A.D.) permanently replaced 
by prefects. 

48 



BOOK XIII. xxvm.-xxx. 

he entered in the public accounts by the treasury- 
quaestors until four months had elapsed; in the 
interval, protests were to be allowable, the decision 
lying with the consuls. The powers of the aedileship 
were also narrowed, and statutory limits were fixed, 
up to which the curule or plebeian aediles, as the 
case might be, could distrain or fine. The tribune 
Helvidius Priscus l prosecuted a private quarrel with 
the treasury-quaestor, Obultronius Sabinus, by 
alleging that he was carrying his right of sale to 
merciless lengths against the poor. The emperor 
then transferred the charge of the public accounts 
from the quaestors to prefects. 

XXIX. The organization of this department 2 had 
been variable and often modified. Augustus left 
the choice of prefects to the senate ; then, as illicit 
canvassing was apprehended, the men to occupy the 
post were drawn by lot from the whole body of 
praetors. This also was a short-lived expedient, as the 
lot tended to stray to the unfit. Next, Claudius rein- 
stated the quaestors, and — lest their zeal should be 
blunted by the fear of making enemies — guaranteed 
them promotion outside the usual order. 3 But, as 
this was their first magistracy, they wanted the 
stability of mature years : Nero, therefore, filled the 
office with ex-praetors who had stood the test of 
experience. 

XXX. In the same consulate, Vipsanius Laenas 
was found guilty of malversation in his province of 
Sardinia; Cestius Proculus was acquitted on a 

3 Their term of office was three years, instead of one as 
previously, and at its expiry they passed immediately to the 
praetorship, without a preliminary tribunate or aedile- 
ship. 

49 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

bus ' accusantibus. Clodius Quirinalis, quod prae- 
fectus remigum, qui Ravennae haberentur, velut in- 
fimam nationum Italiam luxuria saevitiaque adflicta- 
visset, veneno damnationem anteiit. Caninius 
llebilus, ex primoribus peritia legum et pecuniae mag- 
nitudine, cruciatus aegrae senectae misso per venas 
sanguine effugit, haud creditus sufficere ad constan- 
tiam sumendae mortis, ob libidines muliebriter 
infamis. At L. Volusius egregia fama concessit, cui 
tres et nonaginta anni spatium vivendi praecipuaeque 
opes bonis artibus inoffensa tot imperatorum amicitia 2 
fuit. 

XXXI. Nerone iterum L. Pisone consulibus pauca 
memoria digna evenere, nisi cui libeat laudandis 
fundamentis et trabibus. quis molern arnphitheatri 
apud campum Martis Caesar extruxerat, volumina 
implere, cum ex dignitate populi Romani repertum 
sit res inlustres annalibus. talia diurnis urbis actis 
mandare. Ceterum coloniae Capua atque Nuceria 
additis veteranis firmatae sunt, plebeique congiarium 
quadringeni nummi viritim dati, et sestertium 
quadringentiens aerario inlatum est ad retinendam 
populi fidem. Vectigal quoque quintae et vicensimae 
venalium mancipiorum remissum, specie magis quam 

1 Cretensibus Nipperdey : credentibus. 

2 amicitia Lipsius : inalitia. 

1 A rather acid allusion to the interests of the elder Pliny. 
The " beam " which aroused his admiration — e larice, longa 
pedes CXX, bipedali crassitudine aequalis — is described at H.N. 
XVI. 40, 200, and no doubt received appropriate notice in 
his History. — For the "urban gazette," see III. 3 n. 

2 A wooden structure, erected in less than a year (Suet. 
Ner. 12 init.). 

3 Imposed by Augustus, fifty years earlier, to defray the 
expenses of his vigiles (XI. 85 n.). The "remission" was 

5° 



BOOK XIII. xxx.-xxxi. 

charge of extortion brought by the Cretans. Clodius 
Quirinalis, who, as commandant of the crews stationed 
at Ravenna, had by his. debauchery and ferocity 
tormented Italy, as though Italy were the most 
abject of the nations, forestalled his sentence by 
poison. Caninius Rebilus, who in juristic knowledge 
and extent of fortune ranked with the greatest, 
escaped the tortures of age and sickness by letting 
the blood from his arteries ; though, from the 
unmasculine vices for which he was infamous, he had 
been thought incapable of the firmness of committing 
suicide. In contrast, Lucius Volusius departed in 
the fullness of honour, after enjoying a term of 
ninety-three years of life, a noble fortune virtuously 
gained, and the unbroken friendship of a succession 
of emperors. 

XXXI. In the consulate of Nero, for the second a.v.o. *io 
time, and of Lucius Piso, little occurred that deserves A,D ' 
remembrance, unless the chronicler is pleased to 
fill his rolls with panegyrics of the foundations and the 
beams 1 on which the Caesar reared his vast amphi- 
theatre 2 in the Campus Marti us ; although, in accord- 
ance with the dignity of the Roman people, it has 
been held fitting to consign great events to the page 
of history and details such as these to the urban 
gazette. Still, the colonies of Capua and Nuceria 
were reinforced by a draft of veterans ; the populace 
was given a gratuity of four hundred sesterces 
a head ; and forty millions were paid into the treasury 
to keep the public credit stable. Also, the tax of 
four per cent, on the purchase of slaves 3 was remitted 
more in appearance than in effect : for, as payment 

purely formal, the tax being henceforward collected from the 
foreign dealer instead of the Roman purchaser. 

51 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

vi, quia cum venditor pendere iuberetur, in partem 
pretii emptoribus adcrescebat. Et edixit * Caesar, ne 
quis magistratus aut procurator in provincia, quam 2 
obtineret. spectaculum gladiatorum aut ferarum 
aut quod aliud ludicrum ederet. Nam ante non 
minus tali largitione quam corripiendis pecuniis 
subiectos adfligebant, dum, quae libidine deliquerant, 
ambitu propugnant. 

XXXII. Factum et senatus consultum ultioni iuxta 
et securitati, ut si quis a suis servis interfectus esset, ii 
quoque, qui testamento manu missi sub eodem tecto 
mansissent, inter servos supplicia penderent. Reddi- 
tur ordini Lurius Varus 3 consularis, avaritiae crimini- 
bus olim perculsus. Et Pomponia Graecina insignis 
femina, A* Plautio, quern ovasse de Britannis rettuli, 
nupta ac superstitionis externae rea, mariti iudicio 
permissa. Isque prisco instituto propinquis coram de 
capite famaque coniugis cognovit et insontem 
nuntiavit. 5 Longa huic 6 Pomponiae aetas et con- 
tinua tristitia fuit. Nam post Iuliam Drusi filiam 
dolo Messalinae interfectam per quadraginta annos 

1 Et edixit Andresen : et dixit Med., edixit vulg. 

2 <quaui> Madvig. 

3 Varus Nipperdey : Varius. 4 <A.> Nipperdey. 

5 nuntiavit] pronuntiavit Muretus. 

6 huic] hinc Neue. 



1 Apparently a daughter of Ovid's friend, Pomponius Graeci- 
nus, and niece of Pomponius Flaccus (II. 32, 41, 66 ; VI. 27). 

2 Under the year 47 a.d., therefore in the lost beginning of 
Book XI. 

3 Christianity, as was first suggested by Lipsius ; since whose 
day the catacombs have furnished inscriptions of Pomponii 
Bassi and a Pomponius Graecinus. The date of the trial 
would be approximately that of the Epistle to the Romans. 

52 



BOOK XIII. AXXI.-XXXIT. 

was now required from the vendor, the buyers found 
the amount added as part of the price. The Caesar, 
too, issued an edict that no magistrate or procurator 
should, in the province for which he was responsible, 
exhibit a gladiatorial spectacle, a display of wild 
beasts, or any other entertainment. Previously, 
a subject community suffered as much from the 
spurious liberality as from the rapacity of its gover- 
nors, screening as they did by corruption the offences 
they had committed in wantonness. 

XXXII. There was passed, also, a senatorial 
decree, punitive at once and precautionary, that, if 
a master had been assassinated by his own slaves, 
even those manumitted under his will, but remaining 
under the same roof, should suffer the penalty among 
the rest. The consular Lurius Varus, sentenced 
long before under charges of extortion, was restored 
to his rank. Pomponia Graecina. 1 a woman of high 
family, married to Aulus Plautius — whose ovation 
after the British campaign I recorded earlier 2 — and 
now arraigned for alien superstition, 3 was left to the 
jurisdiction of her husband. 4 Following the ancient 
custom, he held the inquiry, which was to determine 
the fate and fame of his wife, before a family council, 
and announced her innocent. Pomponia was a 
woman destined to long life and to continuous grief: 
for after Julia, 5 the daughter of Drusus, had been 
done to death by the treachery of Messalina, she 
survived for forty years, dressed in perpetual mourn- 

4 Her creed, as was often the case later, gave rise to a charge 
of immorality, on which she was tried and acquitted by the 
family council (cf. II. 50 fin.), presided over by her husband. 

6 See III. 29, V. 6 n., VI. 27 ; and, for her family connection 
with the Pomponii, II. 43 fin. Messalina's motives for remov- 
ing her are uncertain; her agent was Suillius (chap. 43). 

53 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

non cultu nisi lugubri, non animo nisi maesto egit : 
idque illi imperitante Claudio inpune, mox ad gloriam 
vertit. 

XXXIII. Idem annus plures reos habuit, quorum 
P. Celerem accusante Asia, quia absolvere nequibat 
Caesar, traxit, senecta donee mortem obiret ; nam 
Celer interfecto, ut memoravi, Silano pro consule 
magnitudine seeleris cetera flagitia obtegebat. 
Cossutianum Capitonem Cilices detulerant macu- 
losum foedumque et idem ius audaciae in provincia 
ratum. quod in urbe exercuerat ; sed pervicaci 
accusatione conflictatus postremo defensionem omisit 
ac lege repetundarum damnatus est. Pro Eprio 
Marcello, a quo Lycii res repetebant, eo usque 
ambitus praevaluit, ut quidam accusatorum eius exi- 
lio multarentur, tamquam insonti periculum fecissent. 

XXXIV. Nerone tertium consule simul iniit consul- 
atum Valerius Messala, cuius proavum, oratorem 
Corvinum, divo Augusto, abavo Neronis, collegam in 
eo magistratu fuisse pauci iam senum meminerant. 
Sed nobili familiae honor auctus est oblatis in singu- 
los annos quingenis sestertiis, quibus Messala 
paupertatem innoxiam sustentaret. Aurelio quoque 
Cottae et Haterio Antonino annuam pecuniam statuit 
princeps, quamvis per luxum avitas opes dissipassent. 



1 Chap. 1. 

2 XI. 6 n. 

3 Ti. Clodius Eprius Mareollus, twice consul (suffectus) and 
proconsul of Asia from 70 to 73 a.d. ; one of the most brilliant 
and venomous orators of the age. For his humble origins and 
enormous influence, see Dial. 8 ; for his indictment of Thrasea, 
XVI. 22 sqq. ; for his duels with Helvidius Priscus, Hist. IV. 
6 sqq., 43, Dial. 5; for his implication in the conspiracy of 
Caecina Alienus and suicide, D. Cass. LXVI. 16. 

54 



BOOK XIII. xxxn.-xxxiv. 

ing and lost in perpetual sorrow ; and a constancy 
unpunished under the empire of Claudius became 
later a title to glory. 

XXXIII. The same year saw many on their trial. 
Publius Celer, one of the number, indicted by the 
province of Asia, the Caesar could not absolve : he 
therefore held the case in abeyance until the de- 
fendant died of old age ; for in his murder (already 
recorded) 1 of the proconsul Silanus, Celer had to his 
credit a crime of sufficient magnitude to cover the 
rest of his delinquencies. A charge had been laid by 
the Cilicians against Cossutianus Capito, 2 a question- 
able and repulsive character, who had assumed that 
the same chartered insolence which he had exhibited 
in the capital would be permitted in a province. 
Beaten, however, by the tenacity of the prosecution, 
he finally threw up his defence, and was sentenced 
under the law of extortion. On behalf of Eprius 
Marcellus, 3 from whom the Lycians were claiming 
reparation, intrigue was so effective that a number of 
his accusers were penalized by exile, on the ground 
that they had endangered an innocent man. 

XXXIV. With Nero a third time consul, Valerius a.v.o. 811 
Messala entered upon office as his colleague , his great- 
grandfather, the orator Corvinus, being remembered 
now by only a few of old men as associated in the 
same magistracy with the deified Augustus, grand- 
father of Nero in the third degree. The honour, 
however, of a noble family received some increment 
in a yearly subsidy of five hundred thousand sesterces, 
on which Messala might support an honest poverty. 
An annual stipend was also assigned by the emperor 
to Aurelius Cotta and Haterius Antoninus, though 
they had dissipated their family estates in profligacy. 

55 



A.D. 5S 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Eius aimi principio mollibus adhuc initiis prola- 
tatum inter Parthos Romanosque de obtinenda 
Armenia bellum acriter sumitur, 1 quia nee Vologeses 
sinebat fratrem Tiridaten dati a se regni expertem 
esse aut alienae id potentiae donum habere, et 
Corbulo dignum magnitudine populi Romani rebatur 
parta olim a Lucullo Pompeioque recipere. Ad hoc 
Armenii ambigua fide utraque arma invitabant, situ 
terrarum, similitudine morum Parthis propiores 
conubiisque permixti ac libertate ignota illuc magis 
ad servitium inclinantes. 

XXXV. Sed Corbuloni plus molis adversus ignaviam 
militum quam contra perfidiam hostium erat : quippe 
Suria transmotae legiones, pace longa segnes, munia 
castrorum Romanorum 2 aegerrime tolerabant. Satis 
constitit fuisse in eo exercitu veteranos, qui non 
stationem, non vigilias inissent, vallum fossamque 

1 sumitur] resumitur Heinsius. 

2 castrorum Romanorum Nipperdey (castrorum Boetticher) : 
romanorum. 



1 In the third Mithridatic War (74-63 B.C.). 

2 The notice of eastern affairs in chaps. 6-9 closed in 55 
a.d., some time after the arrival of Corbulo in Asia Minor. 
Now, under the annalistic year 58 a.d., the narrative is taken 
up and carried to the fall of Artaxata (chap. 41 ). Then, under 
the annalistic year 60 a.d., there is recorded in XIV. 23 sqq. — 
the whole account should be read consecutively — the capture 
of Tigranocerta, with the events culminating in the induction 
of Tigranes into his kingdom and the withdrawal of Corbulo 
and the legions. The question obviously arises : — Where are 
the events of 59 a.d. related ? In XIII. 36 sqq. or XIV. 23 
sqq., or part in the former place, part in the latter ? According 
to the answer, three methods of dating are possible : — 
Preparatory measures of Corbulo (XIII. 35 Sed Corbuloni . . . 
peditatu cokortium) : (a) (Mommsen) 55-58 a.d. ; (b) (Furneaux) 

56 



BOOK XIII. xxxiv.-xxxv. 

In the beginning of the year, the war between 
Parthia and Rome for the possession of Armenia, 
feebly begun, and till now carried on in dilatory 
fashion, was taken up with energy. For, on the one 
hand, Vologeses declined to allow his brother Tiri- 
dates to be debarred from the kingdom, which he had 
himself presented to him, or to hold it as the gift of 
an alien power ; and, on the other, Corbulo considered 
it due to the majesty of the Roman nation to recover 
the old conquests of Lucullus and Pompey. 1 In 
addition, the Armenians — whose allegiance was a 
matter of doubt — were invoking the arms of both 
powers ; though by geographical position and 
affinity of manners they stood closer to the Parthians, 
were connected with them by inter-marriage, and. in 
their ignorance of liberty, were more inclined to 
accept servitude in that quarter. 

XXXV. 2 Still, Corbulo's main difficulty was rather 
to counteract the lethargy of his troops than to 
thwart the perfidy of his enemies. For the legions 
transferred from Syria showed, after the enervation 
of a long peace, pronounced reluctance to undergo 
the duties of a Roman camp. It was a well-known 
fact that his army included veterans who had never 
served on a picket or a watch, who viewed the ram- 

55-57 a.d. ; (c) (Egli, Henderson) 55-57 a.d. Preliminary 
winter in Armenia (XIII. 35 retentusque . . . ignoscebatur) : 
(a) 58-59 a.d. ; (6) 57-58 a.d., (c) 57-58 a.d. Operations result- 
ing in the fall of Artaxata : (a) 59 a.d. ; (b) 58 a.d. ; (c) 58 a.d. 
and the early summer of 59 a.d. March upon and fall of 
Tigranocerta : (a) 60 a.d.; (6)59 a.d. ; (c) late summer of 59 a.d. 
Other operations, arrival of Tigranes, withdrawal of Corbulo : 
(a), (b), (c) 60 a.d. — One of the systems must be right : all, as 
will be seen, are open to grave objections. In any case, the 
narrative of Tacitus — who had Corbulo's own memoirs to draw 
upon — is singularly unsatisfactory. 

57 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

quasi nova et mira viserent, sine galeis, sine lorieis; 
nitidi et quaestuosi, militia per oppida expleta. 
Igitur dimissis, quibus senectus aut valetudo adversa 
erat, supplementum petivit. Et habiti per Galatiam 
Cappadociamque dilectus, adiectaque ex Germania 
legio cum equitibus alariis et peditatu eohortium. 
Eetent usque omnis exei - citus sub pellibus, quamvis 
hieme saeva adeo, ut obducta glacie nisi effossa 
humus tentoriis locum non praeberet. Ambusti 
multorum artus vi frigoris et quidam inter excubias 
exanimati sunt. Adnotatusque miles, qui fascem 
lignorum gestabat, ita praeriguisse manus, ut oneri 
adhaerentes truncis brachiis deciderent. Ipse cultu 
levi, capite intecto, in agmine, in laboribus frequens 
adesse, laudem strenuis, solacium invalidis, exemplum 
omnibus ostendere. Dehinc quia duritiam caeli 
militiaequemultiabnuebantde3erebantque,remedium 
severitate quaesitum est. Nee enim, ut in aliis 
exercitibus, primum alterumque delictum venia 
prosequebatur, sed qui signa reliquerat. statim 
capite poenas luebat. Idque usu salubre et miseri- 
cordia melius apparuit : quippe pauciores ilia castra 
deseruere quam ea, in quibus ignoscebatur. 

XXXVI. Interim Corbulo legionibus intra castra 
habit is, donee ver adolesceret, dispositisque per 
idoneos locos cohortibusauxiliariis, ne pugnam priores 
auderent praedicit : curam praesidiorum Paccio 



1 So far the chapter has dealt with the preliminaries of 
55-57/8 (58/9?) a.d. Now, without a word to mark the 
transition, the expeditionary force is found encamped in N. 
Armenia — probably on the Erzerum plateau — with its base 
at Trebizond (chap. 39 init.), and ready to move at the opening 
of the short campaigning season (June to September). 

58 



BOOK XIII. xxxv.-xxxvi. 

part and fosse as novel and curious objects, and who 
owned neither helmets nor breastplates — polished and 
prosperous warriors, who had served their time in the 
towns. Accordingly, after discharging those incapa- 
citated by age or ill-health, he applied for reinforce- 
ments. Levies were held in Galatia and Cappadocia, 
and a legion from Germany was added with its 
complement of auxiliary horse and foot. The 
entire army was kept under canvas, 1 notwithstanding 
a winter of such severity that the ice-covered ground 
had to be dug up before it would receive tents. As 
a result of the bitter cold, many of the men had 
frost-bitten limbs, and a few died on sentinel-duty. 
The case was observed of a soldier, carrying a bundle 
of firewood, whose hands had frozen till they adhered 
to his load and dropped off from the stumps. Corbulo 
himself, lightly dressed and bare-headed, was con- 
tinually among his troops, on the march or at their 
toils, offering his praise to the stalwart, his comfort 
to the weak, his example to all. Then, owing 
to the rigours of the climate and the service, recal- 
citrancy and desertion grew common, and the cure 
was sought in severity. For, contrary to the rule 
in other armies, mercy did not attend first and 
second offences, but the man who had left the 
standards made immediate atonement with his life. 
That the treatment was salutary and an improve- 
ment on pity was proved by experience, the camp 
showing fewer cases of desertion than those in which 
pardons were the rule. 

XXXVI. In the interval, until spring matured, 
Corbulo detained the legions in camp and distributed 
the auxiliary cohorts at suitable points, with orders 
not to risk a battle unattacked : the charge of these 

59 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Orfito primi pili honore perfuncto mandat. Is 
quamquam ineautos barbaros et bene gerendae rei 
casum ofFerri scripserat, tenere se niunimentis et 
maiores copias opperiri iubetur. Sed rupto imperio, 
postquam paucae e proximis castellis turmae adve- 
nerant pugnamque imperitia poscebant, congressus 
cum hoste funditur. Et damno eius exterriti qui 
subsidium ferre debuerant, sua quisque in castra 
trepida fuga rediere. Quod graviter Corbulo accepit 
increpitumque Paccium et praefectos militesque 
tendere extra vallum iussit ; inque ea contumelia 
detenti nee nisi precibus universi exercitus exsoluti 
sunt. 

XXXVII. At Tiridates super proprias clientelas 
ope Vologesi 1 fratris adiutus, non furtim iam. sed 
palam bello infensare Armeniam, quosque fidos no- 
bis rebatur,depopulari, et si copiae contra ducerentur. 
eludere hucque et illuc volitans plura fama quam 
pugna exterrere. Igitur Corbulo quaesito diu 
proelio Irustra habitus et exemplo hostium circumferre 
bellum coactus, dispertit vires, ut legati praefectique 
diversos locos pariter invaderent ; simul regem 
Antiochum monet proximas sibi praefecturas petere. 
Nam Pharasmanes interfecto filio Radamisto quasi 
proditore, quo fidem in nos testaretur, vet us adversus 

1 Vologesi] Vologaesis Nipperdey. 



1 An ancient form of punishment (Polyb. VI. 38). The 
Bcene of the incident is given by the MSS. of Frontinus (IV. 1, 
21) as ad castdlum Initio. 

2 For Antiochus of Commagene, see chap. 7 n. ; for the 
Armenian prefectures, XI. 9 n. ; for Pharasmanes and Rada- 
mistus, VI. 32, XI. 8, XII. 44, XIII. 6. 

6o 



BOOK XIII. xxxvi. xxxvii. 

garrison-posts he entrusted to Paccius Orfitus, who 
had held the rank of leading centurion. Orfitus, 
though he had sent a written despatch that the 
barbarians were off their guard and an opportunity 
presented itself for a successful action, was ordered 
to keep within his lines and wait for larger forces. 
However, on the advent from the neighbouring forts 
of a few squadrons inexperienced enough to clamour 
for battle, he violated orders, engaged the enemy, 
and was routed. His reverse, in turn, so demoralized 
the troops which ought to have come to his rescue that 
they beat a hasty retreat to their various stations. 
The incident tried Corbulo's temper; and, after a 
sharp reprimand to Paccius, he, his prefects, and his 
men, were ordered to bivouac outside the rampart: 1 
and in that humiliating position they were kept, until 
released at the petition of the entire army. 

XXXVII. But Tiridates — now supported, apart 
from his own vassals, by help from his brother Volo- 
geses — began to harass Armenia, no longer by stealth 
but in open war, ravaging the communities which In- 
considered loyal to ourselves, or, if force was brought 
against him, eluding contact and, as he flew hither 
and thither, disseminating a terror due more to 
rumour than to the sword. Corbulo, therefore, 
frustrated in his persevering quest for battle, and 
forced to imitate the enemy by carrying his arms from 
district to district, divided his strength, so that the 
legates and prefects might deliver a simultaneous 
attack at widely separate points : at the same time, 
he directed King Antiochus 2 to march upon the 
prefectures adjoining him. For Pharasmanes, who 
had put his son Radamistus to death as a traitor, 
was now prosecuting his old feud against the Arme- 

6r 



TUT", ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Armenios odium promptius exercebat. Tuncque 
primum inlecti Moschi, 1 gens ante alias socia Roma- 
nis, avia Armeniae ineursavit. Ita consilia Tiridati 
in contrarium vertebant, mittebatque oratores, qui 
suo Parthorumque nomine expostularent, our datis 
nuper obsidibus redintegrataque amicitia, quae 
novis quoque beneficiis locum aperiret, vetere 
Armeniae possessione depelleretur. Ideo nondum 
ipsum Vologesen commotum, quia causa quam vi 
agere mallent : sin perstaretur in bello, non defore 
Arsacidis virtutem fortunamque saepius iam clade 
Romana expertam. Ad ea Corbulo, satis comperto 
Vologesen defectione Hyrcaniae attineri, suadet 
Tiridati precibus Caesarem adgredi : posse illi 
regnum stabile et res incruentas contingere, si 
omissa spe longinqua et sera praesentem potioremque 
sequeretur. 

XXXVIII. Placitum dehinc, quia commeantibus in 
vicem nuntiis nihil in summam pacis proficiebatur, 
conloquio ipsorum tempus locumque destinari. Mille 
equitum praesidium Tiridates adfore sibi dicebat : 
quantum Corbuloni cuiusque generis militum adsis- 
teret, non statuere, dum positis loricis et galeis in 
faciem pacis veniretur. Cuicumque mortalium. 
nedum veteri et provido duci, barbarae astutiae 

1 Moschi Ritter : Insochi. 

1 Tn the N.W. of Armenia, just south of the Pontic frontier. 
They are coupled by Herodotus (III. 94) with the Tibareni, 
and a speculative identification is with the " Tubal and 
Meshech " of Ezekiel xxvii. 13. 

2 VI. 36 n. 

62 



BOOK XIII. xxxvii.-xxxvin. 

nians with a readiness meant as evidence of his 
fidelity to ourselves; while the Moschi, 1 most loyal of 
tribes to the Roman alliance, were now won over 
for the first time, and raided the less accessible parts 
of Armenia. The plans of Tiridates were thus being 
completely reversed, and he began to send legations, 
demanding, in his own name and that of Parthia, 
" why, after his late grant of hostages, and the 
renewal of a friendship meant to pave the way to 
further kindnesses, he was being evicted from his 
long-standing occupancy of Armenia. The only 
reason why Vologeses himself had as yet made no 
movement was that they both preferred to proceed 
by argument rather than force. But, if war was 
persisted in, the house of Arsaces would not be found 
wanting in the valour and fortune which had several 
times already been demonstrated by a Roman 
disaster." Corbulo, who had sure information that 
Vologeses was detained by the revolt of Hyrcania, 2 
rejoined by advising Tiridates to approach the 
emperor with a petition : — " A stable throne and a 
bloodless reign might fall to his lot, if he would 
renounce a dim and distant hope in order to pursue 
one which was within his grasp and preferable." 

XXXVIII. Then, as these messages and counter- 
messages were achieving nothing towards a definite 
peace, it was decided to fix the time and place for 
a personal interview. A guard of a thousand horse- 
men, Tiridates announced, would be present with 
himself: as to the forces of all arms, which might 
attend Corbulo, he made no stipulation, so long as 
they came divested of cuirasses and helmets, in the 
guise of peace. Any man whatever — and most of 
all, a veteran and far-sighted leader — was bound to 

63 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

patuissent: ideo artum inde numerum finiri et hinc 
maiorem offerri, ut dolus pararetur ; nam equiti 
sagittarum usu exercito si detecta corpora ob- 
icerentur, nihil profuturam multitudinem. Dissi- 
mulato tamen intellectu rectius de iis, quae in 
publicum consulerentur, totis exercitibus coram 
dissertaturos respondit. Locumque delegit, cuius 
pars altera colles erant clementer adsurgentes 
accipiendis peditum ordinibus, pars in planitiem 
porrigebatur ad explicandas equitum turmas. Die- 
que pacto prior Corbulo socias cohortis et auxilia 
regum pro cornibus, medio sextam legionem consti- 
tuit, cui accita per noctem aliis ex castris tria milia 
tertianorum permiscuerat, una cum aquila, quasi 
eadem legio spectaretur. Tiridates vergente iam die 
procul adstitit. unde videri magis quam audiri posset. 
Ita sine congressu dux Romanus abscedere militem 
sua quemque in castra iubet. 

XXXIX. Rex sive fraudem suspectans, quia plura 
simul in loca ibatur, sive ut commeatus nostros Pon- 
tico mari et Trapezunte oppido adventantes inter- 
ciperet, propere discedit. Sed neque commeatibus 
vim facere potuit, quia per montis ducebantur prae- 
sidiis nostris insessos, et Corbulo, ne inritum bellum 



1 If both Artaxata and Tigranocerta are to be taken as 
captured in 59 a.d., then it has to be assumed that the first 
campaign closes here, and that discedit is separated from sed, 
not merely by a full stop, but by an unmentioned winter. 
There then arises the further necessity of making a similar 
intercalation somewhere in the course of XIV. 23--0. 

04 



BOOK XIII. xxxvm. -xxxix. 

fathom the barbarian ruse and to reflect that the 
motive for specifying a restricted number on one 
side, while offering a larger on the other, was to 
prepare an act of treachery ; since, if unprotected 
flesh and blood were to be exposed to a cavalry 
trained in the use of the bow, numerical strength 
would be of no avail. Feigning, however, to under- 
stand nothing, he replied that discussions of a 
national importance would be more fitly conducted 
in presence of the whole armies ; and chose a site, 
one half of which consisted of gently sloping hills 
suited for lines of infantry, while the other spread 
out into a plain admitting the deployment of mounted 
squadrons. First in the field on the appointed day, 
Corbulo stationed on the flanks the allied infant rv 
and the auxiliaries furnished by the kings ; in the 
centre, the sixth legion, with which he had embodied 
three thousand men of the third, summoned from 
another camp during the night : a solitary eagle 
produced on the spectator the impression of a 
single legion. The day was already declining when 
Tiridates took up his position at a distance from 
which he was more visible than audible : the Roman 
commander, therefore, without conference, ordered 
his troops to draw off to their various camps. 

XXXIX. The king, either suspecting a ruse from 
the different directions in which our men were 
simultaneously moving, or hoping to cut off the 
supplies reaching us by way of the Euxine and the 
town of Trapezus, left in haste. 1 Not only was he 
powerless, however, to molest the supplies, since 
they were convoyed over mountains occupied by 
our posts, but Corbulo, to avoid a protracted and 
fruitless campaign, and at the same time to reduce the 

65 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

traheretur utque Armenios ad sua defendenda 
cogeret, excindere parat castella, sibique quod 
validissimum in ea praefectura, cognomento Volan- 
dum, sumit ; minora Cornelio Elaceo legato et 
Insteio Capitoni castrorum praefecto mandat. Turn 
circumspectis munimentis et quae expugnationi 
idonea provisis, hortatur milites, ut hostem vagum 
neque paci aut proelio paratum. sed perfidiam et 
ignaviam fuga confitentem exuerent sedibus gloriae- 
que pariter et praedae consulerent. Turn quadri- 
pertito exercitu hos in testudinem conglobatos subru- 
endo vallo inducit, alios scalas moenibus admovere, 
multos tormentis faces et hastas incutere iubet. 
Libritoribus funditoribusque attributus locus, unde 
eminus glandis torquerent, ne qua pars subsidium 
laborantibus ferret pari undique metu. 1 Tantus inde 
ardor certantis exercitus fuit, ut intra tertiam diei 
partem nudati propugnatoribus muri,obices portarum 
subversi, capta escensu munimenta omnesque 
puberes trucidati sint, nullo milite amisso, paucis 
admodum vulneratis. Et inbelle vulgus sub corona 
venundatum, reliqua praeda \ictoribus cessit. Pari 
fortuna legatus ac praefectus usi sunt, tribusque una 
die castellis expugnatis cetera terrore et alia sponte 
incolarum in deditionem veniebant. Unde orta 

1 metu Lipsius : motu. 

1 Igdir, according to Henderson : in any case, south of the 
Araxes and west of Artaxata. 

2 I. 20 n. For Insteius, see chap. 9. 

3 The precise difference between the librilores and funditores 
is not known. 

66 



BOOK XI LI. xxxix. 

Armenians to the defensive, prepared to demolish 
their fortresses. The strongest in that satrapy was 
known as Volandum, 1 and he reserved it for himself: 
minor holds he left to the legionary commander 
Cornelius Flaccus and the camp-prefect 2 Insteius 
Capito. Then, after inspecting the defences and 
making suitable provision for the assault, he urged 
the troops " to force from his lair this shifting enemy, 
disposed neither for peace nor for battle but con- 
fessing his perfidy and his cowardice by flight, and 
to strike equally for glory and for spoil." He next 
divided the army into four bodies. One, massed 
in the tortoise formation, he led to undermine the 
rampart, another he ordered to advance the ladders 
to the walls, while a strong party were to discharge 
brands and spears from the military engines. The 
slingers of each type 3 were assigned a position from 
which to hurl their bullets at long range — the 
object being that, with danger threatening equally 
on all hands, pressure at one point should not be 
relieved by reinforcements from another. In the 
sequel, the army showed so much enthusiasm in action 
that before a third of the day was elapsed the walls 
had been cleared of defenders, the barricades in the 
gateways broken down, the fortifications taken by 
escalade, and the whole of the adult population put 
to the sword : all without the loss of one soldier, and 
with extremely few wounded. The mob of non- 
combatants was sold by auction ; the rest of the spoils 
became the property of the victors. The legionary com- 
mander and the prefect enjoyed equal good fortune ; 
and, with three forts carried by storm in one day, the 
rest capitulated, from panic, or, in some cases, by 
the voluntary act of the inhabitants. — All this 

67 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

fiducia caput gentis Artaxata adgrediendi. Nee 
tamen proximo itinere ductae legiones, quae si 
amnem Araxen, qui moenia adluit, ponte transgre- 
derentur, sub ictum dabantur : procul et latioribus 
vadis transiere. 

XL. At Tiridates pudore et metu, ne, si concessisset 
obsidioni, nihil opis in ipso videretur, si prohiberet, 
inpeditis locis seque et equestres copias inligaret, 
statuit postremo ostendere aciem et dato die proe- 
lium ineipere ve) simulatione fugae locum fraudi 
parare. Igitur repente agmen Romanum circum- 
fundit, non ignaro duce nostro, qui viae pariter et 
pugnae composuerat exercitum. Latere dextro 
tertia legio, sinistro sexta incedebat, mediis decu- 
manorum delectis ; recepta inter ordines impedi- 
menta, et tergum mille equites tuebantur, quibus 
iusserat, ut instantibus communis resisterent,refugos 
non sequerentur. In cornibus pedes Sagittarius et 
cetera manus equitum ibat, productiore cornu sinistro 
per ima collium, ut, si hostis intravisset, fronte simul 
et sinu exciperetur. Adsultare ex diverso Tiridates, 
non usque ad ictum * teli, sed turn minitans, turn 
specie trepidantis, si laxare ordines et diversos 
1 ad ictum Baiter : addictum Med., ad iactum Med. 2 

1 Vexilla detached for special service, the main body staying 
in Syria. 

68 



BOOK XIII. xxxix. xl. 

inspired confidence for an attack upon the national 
capital of Artaxata. The legions, however, were 
not taken by the shortest road, since to use the 
bridge over the Araxes, which runs hard under the 
city walls, would have brought them within missile 
range: the crossing was effected at some distance, 
and by a wider ford. 

XL. But Tiridates, divided between shame and 
the fear that, if he acquiesced in the siege, he would 
give the impression of being powerless to prevent 
it — while, if he intervened, he might entangle him- 
self and his mounted troops on impossible ground — 
determined finally to display his forces drawn up 
for battle ; then, if a day offered, either to begin an 
engagement or by a simulated flight to seek the 
opportunity for some ruse of war. He therefore 
suddenly attacked the Roman column from all 
quarters, but without surprising our commander, 
who had arranged his army as much for battle as for 
the road. On the right flank marched the third 
legion, on the left the sixth, with a chosen contingent 
of the tenth x in the centre : the baggage had been 
bi'ought within the lines, and the rear was guarded 
by a thousand horse, whose instructions were to 
resist an attack at close quarters, but not to pursue, 
if it became a retreat. On the wings were the 
unmounted archers and the rest of the cavalry force, 
the left wing extending the further, along the foot 
of a range of hills, so that, if the enemy forced an 
entry, he could be met both in front and by an 
enveloping movement. On the other side, Tiridates 
launched desultory attacks, never advancing within 
javelin-cast, but alternately threatening action and 
simulating panic, in the hope of loosening the ranks 

69 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

consectari posset. Ubi nihil temeritate solutum, 
nee amplius quam decurio equitum audentius pru- 
gressus et sagittis confixus ceteros ad obsequium 
exemplo firmaverat,propinquis iamtenebrisabscessit. 
XLI. Et Corbulo castra in loco metatus, an expe- 
dites legionibus nocte Artaxata pergeret obsidioque 
oircumdaret agitavit, concessisse illuc Tiridaten ratus. 
Dein postquam exploratores attulere longinquum 
regis iter et Medi an Albani peterentur incertum, 
lucem opperitur, praemissaque levis armatura, quae 
muros interim ambiret oppugnationemque eminus 
inciperet. Sed oppidani portis sponte patefactis se 
suaque Romanis permisere, quod salutem ipsis tulit : 
Artaxatis ignis inmissus deletaque et solo aequata 
sunt, quia nee teneri poterant 1 sine valido praesidio 
ob magnitudinem moenium, nee id nobis viriuni erat, 
quod firmando praesidio et capessendo bello divi- 
deretur, vel si integra et incustodita relinquerentur, 
nulla in eo utilitas aut gloria, quod capta essent. 
Adicitur miraculum velut numine oblatum : nam 
cuncta Artaxatis tenus 2 sole inlustria fuere ; quod 
moenibus eingebatur, repente ita atra nube eo- 

1 <poteranC Halm. 

2 Artaxatis tenus Acidalius : extra tectis actenus. 

1 If Artaxata fell in the early summer of 59 a.d., then this 
sentence bears its natural and indeed only possible meaning : 
Corbulo enters the town and destroys it immediately. Then 
i see XIV. 23) he crosses Armenia diagonally in the intense heat 
and is in Tigranocerta by the autumn. If, on the other hand, 
it fell in the late summer, whether of 58 a.d. or 59 a.d., Corbulo 
evidently did not fire the town in order to winter among the 
ashes, and Furneaux and Mommsen have no option but to set 
aside the plain sense of the passage and refer Artaxatis ignis 
iitmissns to the opening of the campaigning season in 59 or 60 
a.d. respectively. 

7° 



BOOK XIII. XL.-XU. 

and falling on them while separated. Then, as there 
was no rash break of cohesion, and the only result 
attained was that a decurion of cavalry, who ad- 
vanced too boldly and was transfixed with a flight of 
arrows, had confirmed by his example the obedience 
of the rest, he drew oft' when darkness began to 
approach. 

XLI. Pitching his camp on the spot, Corbulo 
revolved the problem whether he should leave the 
baggage, move straight upon Artaxata with the 
legions under cover of night, and invest the city, on 
which he presumed Tiridates to have retired. Later, 
when scouts came in with the news that the king's 
journey was a lengthy one, and that it was difficult 
to say whether his destination was Media or Albania, 
he waited for the dawn, but sent the light-armed 
troops in advance to draw a cordon round the walls 
in the interval and begin the attack from a distance. 
The townsmen, however, opened the gates volun- 
tarily, and surrendered themselves and their property 
to the Romans. This promptitude ensured their 
personal safety; Artaxata itself was fired, 1 demolished 
and razed to the ground ; for in view of the extent of 
the walls it was impossible to hold it without a 
powerful garrison, and our numbers were not such 
that they could be divided between keeping a strong 
retaining force and conducting a campaign ; while, 
if the place was to remain unscathed and unguarded, 
there was neither utility nor glory in the bare fact 
of its capture. In addition, there was a marvel, 
sent apparently by Heaven : up to Artaxata, the 
landscape glittered in the sunlight, yet suddenly 
the area encircled by the fortifications was so 
completely enveloped in a cloud of darkness and 

7i 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

opertum fulguribusque discretum est, ut quasi 
inf'ensantibus deis exitio tradi crederetur. Ob haec 
consalutatus imperator Nero, et senatus consulto 
supplicationes habitae, statuaeque et arcus et 
oontinui consulatus principi, utque inter festos 
referretur dies, quo patrata victoria, quo nuntiata, 
quo relatum de ea esset, aliaque in eandem formam 
decernuntur, adeo modum egressa, ut C. Cassius 
de ceteris honoribus adsensus, si pro benignitate 
fortunae dis grates agerentur, ne totum quidem 
annum supplicationibus sufficere disseruerit, eoque 
oportere dividi sacros et negotiosos dies, quis divina 
colerent et humana non impedirent. 

XLII. Variis deinde casibus iactatus et multorum 
odia meritus reus, haud tamen sine invidia Senecae 
damnatur. Is fuit P. Suillius, imperitante Claudio 
terribilis ac venalis et mutatione temporum non 
quantum inimici cuperent demissus quique se nocen- 
tem videri quam supplicem mallet. Eius oppri- 
mendi gratia repetitum credebatur senatus consultum 
poenaque Cinciae legis adversum eos, qui pretio 

1 Egli's attempt to identify the " miracle " with the eclipse — 
not quite total — of 59 a.d."(XIV. 12), which is known from 
Pliny to have been observed by Corbulo in Armenia {H.N. II. 
70, 180), is invalidated by two circumstances : in the first 
place, whatever is here described, the description is not that 
of an eclipse ; in the second, the eclipse itself occurred at a date 
(Apr. 30), when it would have been barely possible for the 
legions to have left Erzerum and totally impossible for them 
to have reached Artaxata. 

2 By the victorious troops (II. 18 n.). 3 XII. 11 n. 

4 The word deinde is by far the strongest argument for 
Furneaux' chronology : for, as he and Nipperdey insist, it is a 
definite statement that the impeachment of Suillius in 58 a.d. 
was subsequent to the debate in the senate with regard to the 
celebrations of the fall of Artaxata. 

72 



BOOK XIII. xu.-xui. 

parted from the outside world by lightning flashes 
that the belief prevailed that it was being con- 
signed to its doom by the hostile action of the 
gods. 1 — For all this, Nero was hailed as hriperator, 2 
and in obedience to a senatorial decree, thanksgivings 
were held ; statues and arches and successive consu- 
lates were voted to the sovereign ; and the days on 
which the victory was achieved, on which it was 
announced, on which the resolution concerning it was 
put, were to be included among the national festivals. 
There were more proposals in the same strain, so 
utterly extravagant that Gaius Cassius, 3 who had 
agreed to the other honours, pointed out that, if 
gratitude, commensurate with the generosity of 
fortune, had to be shown to the gods, the whole year 
was too short for their thanksgivings, and for that 
reason a distinction ought to be made between holy 
days proper and working days on which men might 
worship Heaven without suspending the business 
of earth. 

XLII. And now 4 the hero of a chequered and 
stormy career, who had earned himself a multitude 
of hatreds, received his condemnation, though not 
without some detriment to the popularity of Seneca. 
This was Publius Suillius, 6 the terrible and venal 
favourite of the Claudian reign, now less cast down 
by the change in the times than his enemies could 
wish, and more inclined to be counted a criminal 
than a suppliant. For the sake, it was believed, of 
crushing him, there had been revived an earlier decree 
of the senate, 6 together with the penalties prescribed 
by the Cincian law against advocates who had 



6 Half-brother, as it happened, of Corbulo (IV. 31 n.). 
« XI. 5-7. 



73 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

causas oravissent. Nee Suillius questu aut expro- 
bratione abstinebat, praeter ferociam animi extrema 
seneeta liber et Senecam increpans infensum amieis 
Claudii, sub quo iustissimum exilium pertulisset. 
Simul studiis inertibus et iuvenum inperitiae suetum 
livere iis. qui vividam et incorruptam eloquentiam 
tuendis civibus exercerent. Se quaestorem Ger- 
maniei, ilium domus eius adulterum fuisse. An 
gravius aestimandurn sponte litigatoris praemium 
honestae operae adsequi quam corrumpere cubicula 
principuni feminarum ? Qua sapientia, quibus 
philosophorum praeeeptis intra quadriennium regiae 
amicitiae ter miliens sestertium paravisset ? Romae 
testamenta et orbos velut indagine eius capi, Italiam 
et provincias inmenso faenore hauriri : at sibi labore 
quaesitam et modicam pecuniam esse. Crimen, 
perieulum, omnia potius toleraturum, quam veterem 
ae do/w/' 1 partam dignationem subitae felicitati 
submitteret. 

XLIII. Nee deerant qui haec isdem verbis aut versa 
in deterius Senecae deterrent. Repertique aceusa- 
tores direptos socios, cum Suillius provinciam Asiam 
regeret, ac publieae pecuniae peculatum detulerunt. 
Mox, quia inquisitionem annuam impetraverant, 
brevius visum urbana crimina incipi, quorum obvii 

1 domi Jac. Gronomus : do. 

1 In the first year of Claudius, the charge being one of 
adultery with Germanicus' daughter Julia (XII. 8 n., D. Cass. 
LX. 8).' 

2 The question was asked by others than Suillius. Seneca's 
reply is the De vita beata : see, for instance, chaps. 17 sq., 22 sq. 

3 By calling in a loan of 40,000,000 sesterces, he helped, 
according to Dio (LXII. 2), to precipitate the British rebellion 
of 61 A.D. 

74 



BOOK XIII. xi.it, xi .in. 

pleaded for profit. Suillius himself spared neither 
complaints nor objurgations, using the freedom 
natural not only to his fierce temper but to his 
extreme age, and assailing Seneca as " the em- 
bittered enemy of the friends of Claudius, under 
whom he had suffered his well-earned exile. 1 At 
the same time, since his only experience was of 
bookish studies and single-minded youths, he had a 
jaundiced eye for those who applied a living and 
unsophisticated eloquence to the defence of their 
fellow-citizens. He himself had been Germanicus' 
quaestor ; Seneca, the adulterer under the prince's 
roof. To obtain as the voluntary gift of a litigant 
some reward for honourable service — was that an 
offence to be judged more harshly than the pollution 
of the couch of imperial princesses? By what 
branch of wisdom, by what rules of philosophy, had 
he acquired, within four years of royal favour, three 
hundred million sesterces ? 2 In Rome his nets were 
spread for the childless and their testaments : Italy 
and the provinces were sucked dry by his limitless 
usury. 3 But he, Suillius, had his hard-earned and 
modest competence ! He would suffer accusation, 
trial, everything, rather than stoop his old, home- 
made honour before this upstart success." 

XLIII. There was no lack of auditors to report his 
remarks, word for word or with changes for the 
worse, to Seneca. Accusers were discovered, and 
they laid their charges — that the provincials had 
been plundered during Suillius' government of 
Asia, and that there had been embezzlement of 
public money. Then, as the prosecution had ob- 
tained a year for inquiries, it seemed shorter to 
begin upon his delinquencies at home, witnesses to 

75 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

testes erant. Ii acerbitate accusationis Q. Pom- 
ponium ad necessitatem belli civilis detrusuin, 
Iuliam Drusi filiam Sabinamque Poppaeam ad 
mortem actas et Valerium Asiaticum, Lusium 
Saturninum, Cornelium Lupum circumventos, iam 
equitum Romanorum agmina damnata omnemque 
Claudii saevitiam Suillio obiectabant. Ille nihil ex 
his sponte susceptum, sed prineipi paruisse defende- 
bat, donee earn orationem Caesar cohibuit, comper- 
tum sibi referens ex commentariis patris sui nullam 
euiusquam accusationem ab eo coactam. Turn iussa 
Messalinae praetendi et labare defensio : cur enim 
neminem alium delectum, qui saevienti impudicae 
vocem praeberet ? Puniendos rerum atrocium 
ministros, ubi pretia scelerum adepti scelera ipsa 
aliis delegent. Igitur adempta bonorum parte (nam 
filio et nepti pars eoncedebatur eximebanturque etiam 
quae testamento matris aut ab 1 avia acceperant) in 
insulas Balearis pellitur, non in ipso discrimine, non 
post damnationem fractus animo ; ferebaturque 
copiosa et molli vita secretum illud toleravisse. 
Filium eius Nerullinum adgressis accusatoribus per 
invidiam patris et crimina repetundarum, intercessit 
princeps tamquam satis expleta ultione. 

1 <ab>aviaiS'ir&er: avia 3Ied.,a.vidett.,a,Yia,eFrein-sheim,vuig. 

1 See VI. 18. Consul at the time of Caligula's assassination, 
he had narrowly escaped being despatched by the praetorians 
cuj eV eAevdepiav ttjv ovyK\r)Tov TrapaKaXwv (Jos. A.J. XIX. 
4, 5). Presumably this show of republicanism gave Suillius 
the handle for an accusation which forced him to join the still- 
born revolt of Camillus Scribonianus (XII. 52 n.). — For Julia, 
see chap. 32; for the elder Poppaea and Asiaticus, XI. 1; 
for the Roman knights, Suet. Claud. 29 in CCC amplius equites 
R. animadvert it. Saturninus and Lupus are mentioned, with- 
out details, among Claudius' friends and victims, by Seneca 
(Apocol. 13). 
76 



BOOK XIII. xliii. 

which were ready to hand. By these the venomous 
indictment which had driven Quintus Pomponius to 
the necessity of civil war; 1 the hounding to death of 
Drusus' daughter Julia, and of Poppaea Sabina ; 
the trapping of Valerius Asiaticus, of Lusius Saturni- 
nus, and of Cornelius Lupus ; finally, the conviction 
of an army of Roman knights, and the whole tale of 
Claudius' cruelty, — were laid to the account of 
Suillius. In defence he urged that none of these 
acts had been undertaken voluntarily, and that he 
had merely obeyed the sovereign ; until the Caesar 
cut short his speech by stating that he had definite 
knowledge from his father's papers that he had 
compelled no prosecution of any person. Orders 
from Messalina were now alleged, and the defence 
began to totter : — " For why had none other been 
chosen to put his voice at the disposal of that homi- 
cidal wanton ? Punishment must be measured out 
to these agents of atrocity, when, after handling the 
wages of crime, they imputed the crime to others." 
Hence, after the forfeiture of half his estate — for 
his son and granddaughter were allowed the other 
half, and a similar exemption was extended to the 
property they had derived from their mother's will or 
(heir grandmother's — he was banished to the Balearic 
Isles. 2 Neither with his fate in the balance nor with 
his condemnation recorded did his spirit break ; and 
it was asserted later that a life of luxury and abun- 
dance had made his seclusion not intolerable. When 
his son Xerullinus was attacked by the accusers, who 
relied on his father's unpopularity and on charges of 
extortion, the emperor interposed his veto, on the 
ground that vengeance was satisfied. 

2 Majorca and Minorca. 

77 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XLIV. Per idem tempus Oetavius Sagitta plebei 
tribunus, Pontiae mulieris nuptae amore vaecors, 
ingentibus donis adulterium et mox, ut omitteret 
maritum, emereatur, suum matrirnonium promittens 
ac nuptias eius pactus, Sed ubi mulier vacua fuit. 
neetere moras, adversam patris voluntatem causari 
repertaque spe ditioris coniugis promissa exuere. 
Oetavius eontra modo conqueri, modo minitari, 
famam perditam, pecuniam exhaustam obtestans, 
denique salutem, quae sola reliqua esset, arbitrio 
eius permittens. Ac postquam spernebatur, noctem 
unam ad solacium poscit, qua delenitus modum in 
posterum adhiberet. Statuitur nox, et Pontia 
consciae ancillae custodiam cubiculi mandat. Ille 
uno cum liberto ferrum veste occultum infert. Turn, 
ut adsolet in amore et ira, iurgia preces, exprobratio 
satisfactio et pars tenebrarum libidini seposita ; ex 
qua quasi incensus l nihil metuentem ferro trans- 
verberat et accurrentem ancillam vulnere absterret 
eubiculoque prorumpit. Postera die manifesta cae- 
des, haud ambiguus percussor ; quippe mansitasse 
una convincebatur, sed libertus suum illud facinus 
profiteri, se patroni iniurias ultum isse. 2 Commo- 
veratque quosdam magnitudine exempli, donee 
ancilla ex vulnere refecta verum aperuit. Postu- 

1 ex <qua> quasi incensus Halm (after Better and Jar. 
Gronovius) : et quastim census. 

2 isse Wolfflin : esse Med. Compare IV. 73; VI. 36; XII. 
45; XVI. 49. 

7 8 



BOOK XIII. xuv. 

XLIV. Nearly at the same time, the plebeian 
tribune Octavius Sagitta, madly in love with a 
wedded woman called Pontia, purchased by immense 
gifts first the act of adultery, then her desertion of 
her husband. He promised marriage on his own 
part, and had secured a similar pledge on hers. 
Once free, however, the woman began to procrasti- 
nate, to plead the adverse wishes of her father, and, 
when hopes of a wealthier match presented them- 
selves, to shuffle off her promise. Octavius, on the 
other side, now remonstrated, now threatened, 
appealing to the ruin of his reputation, to the exhaus- 
tion of his fortune, and finally placing his life, all 
that he could yet call his own, at her absolute dis- 
posal. As he was flouted, he asked for the consola- 
tion of one night, to allay his fever and enable him 
to control himself in future. The night was fixed, 
and Pontia entrusted the watch over her bedroom to 
a maid in their confidence. Octavius entered with 
one freedman, a dagger concealed in his dress. Love 
and anger now ran their usual course in upbraidings 
and entreaties, reproach and reparation; and a part 
of the night was set aside to passion ; inflamed by 
which, as it seemed, he struck her through with his 
weapon, while she suspected nothing ; drove off" 
with a wound the maid who came running up, and 
broke out of the room. Next day the murder was 
manifest, and the assassin not in doubt : for that he 
had been with her was demonstrated. None the less, 
the freedman asserted that the crime was his own ; 
he had avenged, he said, the injuries of his patron: 
and so startling was this example of devotion that 
he had shaken the belief of some, when the maid's 
recovery from her wound enabled her to disclose the 

79 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

latusque apud consules a patre interfectae, postquam 
tribunatu abierat, sententia patrum et lege de 
sicariis condemnatur. 

XLV. Non minus insignis eo anno impudicitia mag- 
norum rei publicae malorum initium fecit. Erat in 
civitate Sabina Poppaea, T. Ollio patre genita, sed 
nomen avi materni sumpserat, inlustri memoria 
Poppaei Sabini, consulari et triumphali decore 
praefulgentis ; nam Ollium honoribus nondum 
functum amicitia Seiani pervertit. Huic mulieri 
cuncta alia fuere praeter honestum anirnum. Quippe 
mater eius, aetatis suae feminas pulchritudine super- 
gressa, gloriam pariter et formam dederat ; opes 
claritudini generis suffieiebant. Sermo comis nee 
absurdum ingenium : modestiam praeferre et lascivia 
uti ; rarus in publicum egressus. idque velata parte 
oris, ne satiaret aspectum, vel quia sic decebat. 
Famae numquam pepercit, maritos et adulteros non 
distinguens ; neque adfectui suo aut alieno obnoxia. 
unde utilitas ostenderetur. illuc libidinem transfere- 
bat. Igitur agentem earn in matrimonio Rufri 
Crispini equitis Romani. ex quo filium genuerat, 
Otho pellexit iuventa ac luxu et quia flagrantissimus 

1 The interest aroused by the case — of which there is an 
echo at Hist. IV. 44 — is shown by the fact that Lucan wroto 
specimen speeches for the prosecution and defence (Hosiua, 
p. 336). 

8o 



BOOK XIII. xliv.-xlv. 

truth. Octavius, after laying down his tribunate, 
was arraigned before the consuls by the father of 
the victim, and sentenced by verdict of the senate 
and under the law of assassination. 1 

XLV. A no less striking instance of immorality 
proved in this year the beginning of grave public 
calamities. There was in the capital a certain Poppaea 
Sabina, daughter of Titus Ollius, though she had 
taken the name of her maternal grandfather, Pop- 
paeus Sabinus, 2 of distinguished memory, who, with 
the honours of his consulate and triumphal insignia, 
outshone her father : for Ollius had fallen a victim 
to his friendship with Sejanus before holding the 
major offices. She was a woman possessed of all 
advantages but a character. For her mother, 3 after 
eclipsing the beauties of her day, had endowed her 
alike with her fame and her looks : her wealth was 
adequate to the distinction of her birth. Her 
conversation was engaging, her wit not without 
point; she paraded modesty, and practised wanton- 
ness. In public she rarely appeared, and then with 
her face half-veiled, so as not quite to satiate the 
beholder, — or, possibly, because it so became her. 
She was never sparing of her reputation, and drew 
no distinctions between husbands and adulterers : 
vulnerable neither to her own nor to alien passion, 
where material advantage offered, thither she 
transferred her desires. Thus, whilst living in the 
wedded state with Rufrius Crispinus, 4 a Roman 
knight by whom she had had a son, she was seduced 
by Otho, 6 with his youth, his voluptuousness, and his 

2 IV. 46 n. ; VI. sq. 3 XI. 2 n. 

4 The former praetorian prefect (XI. 1 etc.). 

6 The future emperor: see chap. 12. 

Si 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

in amicitia Neronis habebatur : nee mora quin 
adulterio matrimonium iungeretur. 

XLVI. Otho sive amore incautus laudare formam 
elegantiamque uxoris apud principem, sive lit 
accenderet ac, si eadem femina poterentur, id quoque 
vinculum potentiam ei adieeret. Saepe auditus est 
consurgens e convivio Caesaris, se quidem l ire ad 
illam, sibi concessam dictitans nobilitatem, pulchri- 
tudinem, vota omnium et gaudia felicium. His 
atque talibus inritamentis non longa cunctatio inter- 
ponitur. Sed accepto aditu Poppaea primum per 
blandimenta et artis valescere, imparem cupidini 
se et forma Neronis captam simulans ; mox acri iam 
principis amore ad superbiam vertens, si ultra unam 
alteramque noctem attineretur, nuptam esse se 
dictitans, nee posse matrimonium amittere, devinctam 
Othoni per genus vitae, quod nemo adaequaret : 
ilium animo et cultu magnificum ; ibi se summa 
fortuna digna visere : at Neronem, paelice ancilla et 
adsuetudine Actes devinctum, nihil e contubernio 
servili nisi abiectum et sordidum traxisse. Deicitur 
familiaritate sueta, post congressu et comitatu Otho. 
et ad postremum. ne in urbe aemulatus ageret. 
provinciae Lusitaniae praeficitur ; ubi usque ad 

1 se quidem Weissenborn : seq. 

1 Two versions of the affair were in circulation. According 
to Suetonius, Plutarch, Dio, and, at Hist. I. 13, Tacitus him- 
self, the intrigue with Poppaea begins earlier, and the nominal 
marriage with Otho is a screen for the liaison. The upshot is 
given in a contemporary epigram : — Cur Otho mentito sit 
quaeritis exul honore ? | Vxoris moechus coeperat esse suae (Suet. 
Oth. 3). 

2 From 58 to 68 a.d., when he set the example of joining 
Galba. 

82 



BOOK XIII. XLV.-XLVI. 

reputed position as the most favoured of Nero's 
friends : nor was it long before adultery -was supple- 
mented by matrimony. 1 

XLVI. Otho, possibly by an amorous indiscretion, 
began to praise the looks and the graces of his wife 
in presence of the emperor ; or, possibly, his object 
was to inflame the sovereign's desire, and, by the 
additional bond of joint ownership in one woman, to 
reinforce his own influence. His voice was often 
heard, declaring, as he rose from the Caesar's table, 
that he at least must be returning to his wife — that 
to him had fallen that rank and beauty which the 
world desired and the fortunate enjoyed. In view 
of these and the like incitements, there was no tedious 
interval of delay ; and Poppaea, admitted to the 
presence, proceeded to establish her ascendancy ; 
at first, by cajolery and artifice, feigning that she was 
too weak to resist her passion and had been captured 
by Nero's beauty ; then — as the emperor's love 
grew fervent — changing to haughtiness, and, if she 
was detained for more than a second night, insisting 
that she was a wife and could not renounce her 
married status, linked as she was to Otho by a 
mode of life which none could parallel : — - " His was 
true majesty of mind and garb; in him she con- 
templated the princely manner ; while Nero, en- 
chained by his menial paramour and the embraces 
of an Acte, had derived from that servile cohabitation 
no tincture of anything but the mean and the 
shabby." Otho was debarred from his usual intimacy 
with the sovereign ; then from his levees and his 
suite : finally, to prevent his acting as Nero's rival 
in Rome, he was appointed to the province of Lusi- 
tania ; where, till the outbreak of the civil war, 2 he 

83 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

civilia arma non ex priore infamia, sed integre 
sancteque egit, procax otii et potestatis temper- 
antior. 

XLVII. Hactenus Nero flagitiis et sceleribus vela- 
menta quaesivit. Suspectabat maxime Cornelium 
Sullam, soeors ingenium eius in contrarium trahens 
callidumque et simulatorem interpretando. Quem 
metum Graptus ex libertis Caesaris, usu et senecta 
Tiberio abusque domum principum edoctus, tali 
mendacio intendit. Pons Mulvius in eo tempore 
Celebris nocturnis inlecebris erat ; ventitabatque 
illuc Nero, quo solutius urbem extra lasciviret. 
Igitur regredienti per viam Flaminiam compositas 
insidias fatoque evitatas, quoniam diverso itinere 
Sallustianos in hortos remeaverit, auctoremque eius 
doli Sullam ementitur, quia forte redeuntibus 
ministris principis quidam per iuvenilem licentiam. 
quae tunc passim exercebatur, inanem metum 
fecerant. Neque servorum quisquam neque clien- 
tium Sullae adgnitus, maximeque despecta et nullius 
ausi capax natura eius a crimine abhorrebat : per- 
inde tamen, quasi convictus esset, cedere patria et 
Massiliensium moenibus coerceri iubetur. 

XLVIII. Isdem consulibus auditae Puteolanorum 

1 Faustua Cornelius Sulla Felix, married to Claudius' 
daughter Antonia (XII. 2) : see XII. 52 and XIV. 57. 

2 Two miles out of Rome on the northern (Flaminianj road. 
84 



BOOK XIII. xLvi.-XLvin. 

lived, not in the mode of his notorious past, but 
uprightly and without reproach, frivolous where his 
leisure was concerned, more self-controlled as 
regarded his official powers. 

XLVII. Henceforward Nero sought no veil for 
his debaucheries and crimes. He had a peculiar 
suspicion of Cornelius Sulla, 1 whose natural slowness 
of wit he totally misunderstood, reading him as an 
astute character with a gift for simulation. His 
fears were deepened by the mendacity of Graptus, a 
Caesarian freedman, whom experience and age had 
familiarized with the household of the emperors 
from Tiberius downward. The Mulvian Bridge 2 at 
that period was famous for its nocturnal attractions, 
and Nero was in the habit of frequenting it, so as 
to allow his extravagances a freer rein outside the 
city. Graptus accordingly invented the fiction that 
an ambuscade had been arranged for the prince in 
the event of his returning by the Flaminian Way ; 
that it had been providentially avoided, as he had 
come back by the other route to the Gardens of 
Sallust ; and that the author of the plot was Sulla — 
the foundation of the story being that, as chance 
would have it, a few rioters, in one of the juvenile 
escapades then so generally practised, had thrown the 
emperor's servants, on the road home, into a ground- 
less panic. Neither a slave nor a client of Sulla's 
had been recognised ; and his contemptible nature, 
incapable of daring in any form, was utterly incom- 
patible with the charge : yet, precisely as though he 
had been proved guilty, he received orders to leave 
his country and confine himself within the walls of 
Massilia. 

XLVIII. Under the same consuls, audience was 

85 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

legationes, quas diversas ordo plebs adsenatum miser- 
ant, illi vim multitudinis, hi magistratuum et primi 
cuiusque avaritiam increpantes. Eaque seditio ad 
saxa et minas ignium progressa ne caedtm l et anna 
proliceret, C. Cassius adhibendo remedio delectus. 
Quia severitatem eius non tolerabant, precante ipso 
ad Scribonios fratres eo cura transfertur, data cohorte 
praetoria, cuius terrore et paucorum supplicio rediit 
oppidanis Concordia. 

XLIX. Non referrem vulgarissimum 2 senatus con- 
sultum, quo civitati Syracusanorum egredi numerum 
edendis gladiatoribus finitum permittebatur, nisi 
Paetus Thrasea contra dixisset praebuissetque 
materiem obtrectatoribus arguendae sententiae. 
Cur enim, si rem publicam egere libertate senatoria 
crederet, tarn levia consectaretur ? Quin de bello 
aut pace, de vectigalibus et legibus, quibusque aliis 
res Romana contineretur, suaderet dissuaderetve ? 
Licere patribus, quotiens ius dicendae sententiae 
accepissent, quae vellent expromere relationemque 
in ea postulare. An solum emendatione dignum, 
ne Syracusis spectacula largius ederentur : cetera 
per omnes imperii partes perinde egregia, quam si 

1 ne caedem Xipperdey : nccein. 

2 vulgarissimum Haase : vulgatissimum. 

1 Pozzuoli. 

2 The town-senate ; in Italy and the West, usually consisting 
of 100 members, necessarily citizens of the place and sub- 
stantial property-owners. 

3 Scribonius Rufus and Scribonius Proculus. Their death 
in 67 a.d. was one of the later scandals of Nero's reign (D. Cass. 
LXIII. 17; cf. Hist. IV. 41). 

4 The principal Stoic martyr under Nero, as was his son-in- 
law, Helvidins Priscus, under Vespasian. A native of Padua, 
he married a daughter of the famous pair Caecina Paetus and 

86 



BOOK XIII. xlviii.-xux. 

given to deputations from Puteoli, 1 despatched 
separately to the senate by the decurions 2 and the 
populace, the former inveighing against the violence 
of the mob, the latter against the rapacity of the 
magistrates and of the leading citizens in general. 
Lest the quarrels, which had reached the point of 
stone-throwing and threats of arson, should end bv 
provoking bloodshed under arms, Gaius Cassius was 
chosen to apply the remedy. As the disputants 
refused to tolerate his severity, the commission at 
his own request was transferred to the brothers 
Scribonius ; 3 and these were given a praetorian cohort, 
the terrors of which, together with a few executions, 
restored the town to concord. 

XLIX. I should not record a commonplace decree 
of the senate which authorized the town of Syracuse 
to exceed the numbers prescribed for gladiatorial 
exhibitions, had not Thrasea Paetus, 4 by opposing it, 
presented his detractors with an opportunity for 
censuring his vote. " Why," it was demanded, 
" if he believed senatorial freedom a necessity to the 
state, did he fasten on such frivolities ? Why not 
reserve his suasion or dissuasion for the themes of 
war or peace, of finance and law, and for the other 
matters on which hinged the welfare of Rome ? 
Every member, each time that he received the privi- 
lege of recording his opinion, was free to express 
what views he desired and to demand a debate. — 
Or was it the one desirable reform, that shows at 
Syracuse should not be too liberal ? and were all 
things else in all departments of the empire as 

Arria, and for ten years was the philosopher and friend of his 
wife's kinsman Persius. The chief facts of his later life will be 
noticed in the following part of the Annals. 

87 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

non Nero, sed Thrasea regimen eorum leneret. ? 
Quod si summa dissimulatione transmitterentur. 
quanto magis inanibus abstinendum ? Thrasea 
contra, rationem poseentibus amicis, non praesen- 
tium ignarum respondebat eius modi consulta corri- 
gere, sed patrum honori dare, ut manifestum fieret 
magnarum rerum curam non dissimulaturos, qui 
animum etiam levissimis adverterent. 

L. Eodem anno crebris populi flagitationibus, 
inmodestiam publicanorum arguentis, dubitavit Nero, 
an cuncta vectigalia omitti iuberet idque pulcherri- 
mura donum generi mortalium daret. Sed impetum 
eius, multum prius laudata magnitudine animi, 
attinuere senatores, 1 dissolutionem imperii doeendo, 
si fructus, quibus res publica sustineretur, deminu- 
erentur : quippe sublatis portoriis sequens, ut tribu- 
torum abolitio expostularetur. Plerasque vecti- 
galium societates a consulibus et tribunis plebei 
eonstitutas acri etiam turn populi Romani libertate ; 
reliqua mox ita provisa, ut ratio quaestuum et 
necessitas erogationum inter se congrueretf. Tem- 
perandas plane publicanorum cupidines, ne per tot 

1 seniores Lipsius : senatores. 

1 Companies of Roman knights (vectigalium societates 
below; societates equitum Romanorum, IV. 6), farming the in- 
direct taxes, notably the customs and harbour-dues (portoria). 
The direct taxes (tributa) were collected by government officials. 

2 Since Italy, after 167 B.C., was exempt from direct taxa- 
tion, one result of the gift to the human race would be to throw 
upon the provinces the financial burdens of the whole empire. 
On the other hand, there would be free trade within the Roman 
world. For the portoria — ad valorem duties, varying in amount, 
upon all exports and imports — were levied not only on the 
frontiers of the empire but on those of each province or finan- 

88 



BOOK XIII. xlix.-l. 

entirely admirable as if not Nero's, but Thrasea's, 
hand were at the helm ? But if the highest questions 
were to be slurred over by ignoring their existence, 
how much more was it a duty not to touch irrele- 
vances! " Thrasea, on the other side, as his friends 
pressed for his explanation, answered that it was 
not ignorance of existing conditions which made him 
amend decrees of this character, but he was paying 
members the compliment of making it clear that they 
would not dissemble their interest in great affairs 
when they could give attention even to the slightest. 
L. In the same year, as a consequence of repeated 
demands from the public, which complained of the 
exactions of the revenue-farmers, 1 Nero hesitated 
whether he ought not to decree the abolition of all 
indirect taxation and present the reform as the 
noblest of gifts to the human race. 2 His impulse, 
however, after much preliminary praise of his 
magnanimity, was checked by his older advisers, 
who pointed out that the dissolution of the empire 
was certain if the revenues on which the state subsisted 
were to be curtailed : — " For, the moment the duties 
on imports were removed, the logical sequel would 
be a demand for the abrogation of the direct taxes. 
To a large extent, the collecting companies had been 
set up by consuls and plebeian tribunes while the 
liberty of the Roman nation was still in all its vigour : 
later modifications had only been introduced in order 
that the amount of income and the necessary expen- 
diture should tally. At the same time, a check ought 
certainly to be placed on the cupidity of the collectors ; 
otherwise a system which had been endured for 

cial group of provinces, while there were in addition a mufti- 
tude of local tolls to hamper commerce. 

8 9 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

annos sine querella tolerata novis acerbitatibus ad 
invidiam verterent. 

LI. Ergo edixit princeps, ut leges cuiusque publici, 
occultae ad id tempus, proscriberentur ; omissas 
petitiones non ultra annum resumerent ; Romae 
praetor, per provincias qui pro praetore aut consule 
essent iura adversus publicanos extra ordinem 
redderent ; militibus immunitas servaretur, nisi in 
iis, quae veno exercerent ; aliaque admodum aequa. 
quae brevi servata, dein frustra habita sunt. Manet 
tamen abolitio quadragensimae quinquagensimaeque 
et quae alia exactionibus inlicitis nomina publicani 
invenerant. Temperata apud transmarinas provincias 
frumenti subvectio, et ne censibus negotiatorum 
naves adscriberentur tributumque pro illis penderent, 
constitutum. 

LII. Reos ex provincia Africa, qui proconsulare 
imperium illic habuerant, Sulpieium Camerinum et 
Pompeium Silvanum absolvit Caesar, Camerinum 
adversus privatos et paucos, saevitiae magis quam 
captarum peeuniarum crimina obicienti^. Silvanum 
magna vis accusatorum circumsteterat poscebatque 
tempus evocandorum testium : reus dico defendi 
postulabat. Valuitque pecuniosa orbitate et senecta, 
quam ultra vitam eorum produxit, quorum ambitu 
evaserat. 

1 Percentages illegally charged by the companies — on what, 
is not known 

90 



BOOK XIII. L.-LH. 

vears without a complaint might he hrought into ill 
odour by new-fashioned harshnesses." 

LI. The emperor, therefore, issued an edict that 
the regulations with regard to each tax, hitherto 
kept secret, should be posted for public inspection. 
Claims once allowed to lapse were not to be revived 
after the expiry of a year ; at Rome, the praetor — in 
the provinces, the propraetors or proconsuls — were 
to waive the usual order of trial in favour of actions 
against collectors ; the soldiers were to retain their 
immunities except in the case of goods which they 
offered for sale : and there were other extremely 
fair rulings, which were observed for a time and then 
eluded. The annulment, however, of the "fortieth," 
"fiftieth," 1 and other irregular exactions, for which 
the publicans had invented titles, is still in force. 
In the provinces over sea, the transport of grain 
was made less expensive, and it was laid down that 
cargo-boats were not to be included in the assessment 
of a merchant's property nor treated as taxable. 

LII. Two defendants from the province of Africa, 
in which they had held proconsular power, were 
acquitted by the Caesar : Sulpicius Camerinus and 
Pompeius Silvanus. The opponents of Camerinus 
were private persons and not numerous, while the 
offences alleged were acts of cruelty rather than of 
embezzlement : around Silvanus had gathered a 
swarm of accusers, who were demanding time for 
the production of their witnesses. The defendant 
insisted on presenting his case at once, and carried 
his point, thanks to his wealth, his childlessness, and 
his advanced age, which he prolonged, however, 
beyond the lifetime of the fortune-hunters by whose 
intrigues he had escaped. 

9i 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

LIU. Quietae ad id tempus res in Germania fuer- 
ant, ingenio ducum, qui pervulgatis triumphi insigni- 
bus maius ex eo decus sperabant, si pacem continua- 
vissent. Paulinus Pompeius et L. Vetus ea tempes- 
tate exercitui praeerant. Ne tamen segnem militem 
attinerent, ille inchoatum ante tres et sexaginta 
annos a Druso aggerem coercendo Rheno absolvit, 
Vetus Mosellam atque Ararim facta inter utrumque 
fossa conectere parabat, ut copiae per mare, dein 
Rhodano et Arare subvectae per earn fossam, mox 
fluvio Mosella in Rhenum, exim Oceanum decurre- 
rent, sublatisque itineris difficultatibus navigabilia 
inter se Occidentis Septentrionisque litora fierent. 
Invidit operi Aelius Gracilis Belgicae legal us, deter- 
rendo Veterem, ne legiones alienae provinciae 
inferret studiaque Galliarum adfectaret, formido- 
losum id imperatori dictitans. quo plerumque 
prohibentur conatus honesti. 

LIV. Ceterum continuo exercituum otio fama 
incessit ereptum ius legatis ducendi in hostem. 
Eoque Frisii iuventutem saltibus aut paludibus, 
inbellem aetatem per lacus admovere ripae agrosque 
vacuos et militum usui sepositos insedere, auctore 
\ errito et Malorige. qui nationem earn regebant, in 

1 The date is 55 a.d., and the narrative is spread over three 
years. Paulinus — probably Seneca's father-in-law — was in 
command of the Lower Army ; L. Antistius Vetus (chap. 11 n.) 
of the Upper. 

2 On the Gallic side, apparently at the vertex of the delta. 
It was destroyed later bv Civilis (Hist. V. 19). 

8 The Saone. 

4 The largest Gallic province; east of the Seine and Saone. 

6 See XI. 19. 

6 Afterwards — between the eighth and thirteenth centuries 
— merged in the Zuyder Zee. 
92 



BOOK XIII. liii.-liv. 

L11I. Up to this period, quiet had prevailed in 
Germany, thanks to the temper of our commanders ; 
who, now that triumphal emblems were staled, 
expected greater distinction from the maintenance 
of peace. The heads of the army at the time were 
Pompeius Paulinus and Lucius Vetus. 1 Not to keep 
the troops inactive, however, the former finished the 
embankment for checking the inundations of the 
Rhine. 2 begun sixty-three years earlier by Drusus ; 
while Vetus prepared to connect the Moselle and the 
Arar 3 by running a canal between the two ; so that 
goods shipped by sea and then up the Rhone and 
Arar could make their way by the canal, and sub- 
sequently by the Moselle, into the Rhine, and in 
due course into the ocean : a method which would 
remove the natural difficulties of the route and 
create a navigable highway between the shores of 
the West and North. The scheme was nullified bv 
the jealousy of Aelius Gracilis, the governor of 
Belgica, 4 who discouraged Vetus from introducing 
his legions into a province outside his competence 
and so courting popularity in Gaul, " a proceeding." 
he said, " which would awaken the misgivings of the 
emperor " — the usual veto upon honourable enter- 
prise. 

LIV. However, through the continuous inaction 
of the armies a rumour took rise that the legates had 
been divested of authority to lead them against an 
enemy. The Frisians 5 accordingly moved their 
population to the Rhine bank ; the able-bodied men 
by way of the forests and swamps, those not of 
military age by the Lakes. 6 Here they settled in the 
clearings reserved for the use of the troops, the 
instigators being Verritus and Malorix, who exercised 

93 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

quantum Germani regnanlur. Iamque fixerant do- 
mos, semina arvis intulerant utque patrium solum 
exercebant, cum Dubius Avitus accepta a Paulino 
provincia, minitando vim Romanam, nisi absce- 
derent Frisii veteres in locos aut novam sedem a 
Caesare impetrarent, perpulit Verritum et Malori- 
gem preces suscipere. Profectique Romam dum 
aliis curis intentum Neronem opperiuntur, inter ea, 
quae barbaris ostentantur, intravere Pompei thea- 
trum, quo magnitudinem populi viserent. Illic per 
otium (neque enim ludicris ignari oblectabantur) 
dum consessum caveae, discrimina ordinum, quis 
eques, ubi senatus percontantur, advertere quosdam 
cultu externo in sedibus senatorum ; et quinam 
forent rogitantes, postquam audiverant earum 
gentium legatis id honoris datum, quae virtute et 
amicitia Romana praecellerent, nullos mortalium 
armis aut fide ante Germanos esse exclamant degre- 
diunturque et inter patres considunt. Quod comiter 
a visentibus exceptum, quasi impetus antiqui et 
bona aemulatio. Nero civitate Romana ambos 
donavit. Frisios decedere agris iussit. Atque illis 
aspernantibus auxiliaris eques repente immissus 
necessitatem attulit, captis caesisve qui pervicacius 
restiterant. 

1 In the orchestra. 
94 



BOOK XIII. liv. 

over the tribe such kingship as exists in Germany. 
They had already fixed their abodes and sown the 
fields, and were tilling the soil as if they had been 
born on it, when Dubius Avitus, — who had taken 
over the province from Paulinus, — by threatening 
them with the Roman arms unless they withdrew to 
their old district or obtained the grant of a new site 
from the emperor, forced Yerritus and Malorix to 
undertake the task of presenting the petition. They 
left for Rome, where, in the interval of waiting for 
Nero, who had other cares to occupy him, they 
visited the usual places shown to barbarians, and 
among them the theatre of Pompey, where they 
were to contemplate the size of the population. 
There, to kill time (they had not sufficient knowledge 
to be amused by the play), they were putting ques- 
tions as to the crowd seated in the auditorium — the 
distinctions between the orders — which were the 
knights ? — where was the senate ? — when they 
noticed a few men in foreign dress on the senatorial 
seats. 1 They inquired who they were, and, on 
hearing that this was a compliment paid to the 
envoys of nations distinguished for their courage and 
for friendship to Rome, exclaimed that no people in 
the world ranked before Germans in arms or loyalty, 
went down, and took their seats among the Fathers. 
The action was taken in good part by the onlookers, 
as a trait of primitive impetuosity and generous 
rivalry. Nero presented both with the Roman 
citizenship, and instructed the Frisians to leave the 
district. As they ignored the order, compulsion was 
applied by the unexpected despatch of a body of 
auxiliary horse, which captured or killed the more 
obstinate of those who resisted. 

95 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

L\ . Eosdem agios Ampsivarii occupavere, validior 
gens non modo sua copia, sed adiacentium popu- 
lorum miseratione, quia pulsi a Chaucis et sedis 
inopes tutum exilium orabant. Aderatque iis clarus 
per illas gentis et nobis quoque fidus nomine Boio- 
calus, vinctum se rebellione Cherusca iussu Arminii 
referens, mox Tiberio, Germanieo dueibus stipendia 
meruisse. et quinquaginta annorum obsequio id 
quoque adiungere. quod gentem suam dicioni nostrae 
subieeret. Quo tantam partem campi iacere. in 
quam peeora et armenta militum aliquando trans- 
mitterentur ? Servarent sane receptus gregibus 
inter hominum farnem, modo ne vastitatem et soli- 
tudinem mallent quam amicos populos. Chama- 
vorum quondam ea arva, mox Tubantum et post 
Usiporum fuisse. Sicuti caelum deis, ita terras 
generi mortalium datas ; quaeque vacuae, eas publi- 
cas esse. Solem inde suspiciens x et cetera sidera 
vocans quasi coram interrogabat, vellentne contueri 
inane solum : potius mare superfunderent adversus 
terrarum ereptores. 

LVI. Et commotus his Avitus : patienda meliorum 
imperia ; id dis, quos inplorarent ; placitum, ut 

1 suspiciens Heinsius : despiciens Med., aspiciens Rhenanus. 

1 For the approximate position of this and the other tribos 
mentioned, see the map appended to vol. ii. 

2 The revolt under Arminius, culminating in the destruction 
of Quintilius Varus with three legions in the forests of West- 
phalia (9 A.D.). 

9 6 



BOOK XIII. lv.-lvi. 

LV. The same ground was then seized by the 
AmpsivarriVa more powerful elan, not only in numbers, 
but in consequence of the pity felt for them by the 
adjacent tribes, as they had been expelled by the 
Chauci, and were now a homeless people imploring 
an unmolested exile. They had also the advocacy of 
Boiocalus, as he was called, a celebrated personage 
among those clans, and at the same time loyal to 
ourselves: — "In the Cheruscan rebellion," 2 he re- 
minded us, " he had been thrown into chains by 
order of Arminius ; next, he had served under the 
leadership of Tiberius and Germanicus ; and now 
he was crowning an obedience of fifty years by 
subjecting his people to our rule. Why should 
such an extent of clear ground lie waste, merely 
that on some distant day the flocks and herds of 
the soldiers could be brought over to it? By all 
means let them keep reservations for cattle in the 
midst of starving men, but not to the extent of 
choosing a desert and a solitude for neighbours in 
preference to friendly nations ! Once on a time 
those fields had been held by the Chamavi ; then by 
the Tubantes, and later by the Usipi. As heaven 
had been given to the gods, so had earth to the race 
of mortal men, and what lacked a tenant was common 
property." Then, raising his eyes to the sun and 
invoking the rest of the heavenly host, he demanded, 
as if face to face with them, " if they wished to look 
down on an empty earth. Sooner let them flood it 
with the sea and arrest these ravishers of the 
land! " 

LVI. Avitus, who had been moved by the appeal, 
replied that all men had to bow to the commands 
of their betters : it had been decreed by those gods 

97 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

arbitrium penes Roiuanos maneret, quid darent quid 
adimerent, neque alios iudices quam se ipsos pater- 
entur. Haec in publicum Ampsivariis respondit, 
ipsi Boiocalo ob memoriam amicitiae daturum agros. 
Quod ille ut proditionis pretium aspernatus addidit : — 
" Deesse nobis terra ubi vivamus, 1 in qua moriamur, 
non potest:" atque ita infensis utrimque animis 
discessum. Illi Bructeros,Tencteros, ulteriores etiam 
nationes soeias bello vocabant : Avitus scripto ad 
Curtilium Manciam superioris exercitus legatum, ut 
Rhenuin transgressus arma a tergo ostenderet, ipse 
legiones in agrum Tencterum induxit, excidium 
minitans, ni causam suam dissociarent. Igitur 
absistentibus his pari metu exterriti Bructeri ; et 
ceteris quoque aliena pericula deserentibus 2 sola 
Ampsivariorum gens retro ad Usipos et Tubantes 
concessit. Quorum terris exacti cum Chattos, dein 
Cheruscos petissent, errore longo hospites, egeni, 
hostes in alieno quod iuventutis erat caeduntur, 
inbellis aetas in praedam divisa est. 

LVII. Eadem aestate inter Hermunduros Chattos- 
que certatum magno proelio. dum flumen gignendo 
sale fecundum et eonterminum vi trahunt. super libi- 
dinem cuncta armis agendi religione insita, eos max- 

1 terra <ubi> vivamus Sillig : terrain vivam Med., terra 
in vitam Joe. Gronovius. 

2 deserentibus Rhenanus : defendentibus. 

1 Shown by a passage of Phlegon {Ylepl davfi. 27) to have 
succeeded Antistius Vetus in 56 a.d. 

2 As the Hermunduri were in Thuringia and Franconia, the 
Chatti in the Hesse-Nassau district, the river is plausibly 
identified with the Werra, still the boundary between Thurin- 
gia and Hesse and close to the salt-springs of Salzungen. 
Another candidate is the Franconian Saale. Naturally, neither 
stream is in itself a salt-spring. 

98 



BOOK XIII. lvi.-lvii. 

whom they implored that with the Roman people 
should rest the decision what to give and what to 
take away, and that they should brook no other 
judges than themselves." This was his answer to 
the Ampsivarii as a people : to Boiocalus he said that 
in memory of their friendship he would make him a 
grant of land. The offer was indignantly rejected 
by the German as the wage of treason : — " We may 
lack," he added, " a land to live in, but not one to die 
in." They parted, therefore, with bitterness on both 
sides. The Ampsivarii invited the Bructeri, the 
Tencteri, and still more remote tribes, to join them 
in war : Avitus wrote to Curtilius Mancia, 1 the 
commander of the upper army, asking him to cross 
the Rhine and display his arms in the rear ; he him- 
self led his legions into the territory of the Tencteri, 
threatening them with annihilation unless they dis- 
sociated their cause from that of the confederates. 
They seceded accordingly ; the same threat deterred 
the Bructeri ; and as the rest also forsook a dangerous 
and alien cause, the Ampsivarian clan, thus left 
isolated, fell back to the Usipi and Tubantes. Ex- 
pelled from their ground, they sought refuge with 
the Chatti. then with the Cherusci ; and, after a long 
pilgrimage in which they were treated in turn as 
guests, as beggars, and as enemies, their younger 
men found death on a foreign soil, and those below 
fighting age were portioned out as booty. 

LVII. In the same summer, a great battle was 
waged between the Hermunduri and Chatti, both 
attempting to appropriate by force a river which 
was at once a rich source for salt and the frontier line 
between the tribes. 2 Apart from their passion for 
deciding all questions by the sword, they held an 

99 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

ime locos propinquare caelo precesque mortalium a 
deis nusquam propius audiri. Inde indulgentia numi- 
num illo in amne illisque silvis salem provenire, non ut 
alias apud gentes eluvie maris arescente unda, sed 
super ardentem arborum struem fusa ex eontrariis 
inter se elementis, igne atque aquis, coneretum. 
Sed bellum Hermunduris prosperum. Chattis exitio- 
sius fuit, quia victores diversam aciem Marti ac 
Mereurio saeravere, quo voto equi viri, cuncta x 
occidioni dantur. Et minae quidem hostiles in ipsos 
vertebant. Sed civitas Ubiorum socia nobis malo 
inproviso adflicta est. Nam ignes terra editi villas 
arva vieos passim corripiebant ferebanturque in ipsa 
conditae nuper coloniae moenia. Neque extingui 
poterant, non si imbres caderent, non fluvialibus 
aquis aut quo alio humore, donee inopia remedii et 
ira cladis agrestes quidam eminus saxa iacere, dein 
resistentibus flammis propius suggressi ictu fustium 
aliisque verberibus ut feras absterrebant : postremo 
tegmina corpnri derepta iniciunt, quanto magis 
profana et usu polluta, tanto magis oppressura 



1 cuncta Becher : cuncta victa Mel., cuncta viva Danesiua. 



1 In reality, of course, by evaporation, if the story — 
supported by Pliny — is to be taken seriously. 

2 Tiu and Woden. — The \ov/ of extirpation, a natural con- 
sequence of primitive belief, has many analogues, the most 
familiar being the Hebraic kerem on persons and objects hostile 
to the theocracy, e.g. the anathema on Jericho (Josh. vi. 17 
sqq.) and on Amalek (1 Sam. xv. 3 sqq.). The Gallic practice 
is noted by Caesar (B.G. VI. 17). 

3 Cologne. 

4 Volcanic action is ruled out by the character oi the 

IOO 



BOOK XIII. i.vii. 

ingrained religious belief that this district was peculi- 
arly close to heaven and that nowhere did the gods 
give more immediate audience to human prayer. 
Hence, by the divine favour, salt in that river and in 
these forests was not produced, as in other countries, 
bv allowing water to evaporate in a pool left by the 
sea, but by pouring it on a blazing pile of trees, 
crystallization taking place through the union of two 
opposed elements, water and fire. 1 The struggle, 
which went in favour of the Hermunduri, was the 
more diastrous to the Chatti in that both sides con- 
secrated, in the event of victory, the adverse host to 
Mars and Mercury; 2 a vow implying the extermina- 
tion of horses, men, and all objects whatsoever. 
The threats of the enemy thus recoiled upon himself. 
But the federate Ubian community 3 was visited by 
an unlooked-for catastrophe. Fires, breaking from 
the ground, 4 fastened on farm-houses, crops, and 
villages, in all quarters, and soon were sweeping 
towards the verv walls of the recently founded 5 
colony. Nothing could extinguish them — neither 
falling rain nor running water nor moisture in any 
form — until a few rustics, powerless to devise a 
remedv and enraged by the havoc, started to throw 
stones from a distance. Then, as the flames became 
stationary, they went close up and attempted to 
scare them away like wild animals by striking them 
with clubs and thrashing them with other implements : 
finally, they stripped off their clothes and piled them 
on the fire, which they were the more likely 
to smother as they had been worn and soiled by 
common use. 

country, and the passage seems to describe with embellish- 
ments a heath-fire on a large scale. 6 In 50 a.d. (XII. 27). 

IOI 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

LVIII. Eodem anno Ruminalem arborem in comi- 
tio. quae octingentos ' et triginta 2 ante annos Remi 
Romulique infantiam texerat, mortuis ramalibus et 
arescente trunco deminutam prodigii ioeo habitum 
est. donee in novos fetus revivesceret. 3 

1 octingentos] septingentos Med. 

2 triginta Lipsius : quadraginta. 

3 revivesceret] revivisceret Nippcrdry, reviresceret Pichena. 



BOOK XIII. lmii. 

LVIII. In the same year, the tree in the Comitium, 
known as the Ruminalis, 1 which eight hundred and 
thirty years earlier had sheltered the infancy of 
Remus and Romulus, through the death of its boughs 
and the withering of its stem, reached a stage of 
decrepitude which was regarded as a portent, until 
it renewed its verdure in fresh shoots. 

1 The fig-tree under which the wolf suckled the twins. 
It migrated spontaneously — augurante Atto Navio — from the 
Lupercal on the Palatine to the Comitium, opposite the senate- 
house (Plin. H.N. XV. 18, 77). 



I°3 



BOOK XIV 



LIBER XIV 

I. Gaio Vipstano C. 1 Fonteio consulibus diu 
meditaturn scelus non ultra Nero distulit. vestutate 
imperii coalita audacia et flagrantior in dies amore 
Poppaeae. quae sibi matrimonium et diseidium 
Octaviae ineolumi Agrippina haud sperans crebris 
criniinationibus, aliquando per facetias incusaret 
prineipem et pupillum vocaret. qui iussis alienis ob- 
noxius non modo imperii, sed libertatis etiam indi- 
geret. Cur enim differri nuptias suas ? Formam 
scilicet displicere et triumphalis avos, an fecundi- 
tatem et verum animum ? Timeri ne uxor saltern 
iniurias pat rum, iram populi adversus superbiam 
avaritiamque matris aperiat. Quod si nurum Agrip- 
pina non nisi filio infestam feri-e posset, redderetur 
ipsa Othonis coniugio : ituram quoquo terrarum, ubi 
audiret potius contumelias imperatoris quam viseret 
periculis eius inmixta. Haec atque talia lacrimis et 
arte adulterae penetrantia nemo prohibebat, cupi- 
entibus cunctis infringi potentiam matris et credente 
nullo usque ad caedem eius duratura filii odia. 

1 <C> Ritter. 

1 Poppaeus Sabinus (XIII. 45). 

2 She had a son by Rufrius Crispinus (XIII. 45). 

3 LuBitania (XIII. 46). 
lo6 



BOOK XIV 

I. In the consular year of Gaius Vipstanius and i.v.o. m 
Gaius Fonteius, Nero postponed no further the long- A ' D- y 
contemplated crime : for a protracted term of 
empire had consolidated his boldness, and day by 
day he burned more hotly with love for Poppaea ; 
who, hopeless of wedlock for herself and divorce for 
Octavia so long as Agrippina lived, plied the sovereign 
with frequent reproaches and occasional raillery, 
styling him " the ward, dependent on alien orders, 
who was neither the empire's master nor his own. 
For why was her wedding deferred ? Her face, 
presumably, and her grandsires with their triumphs, 1 
did not give satisfaction — or was the trouble her 
fecundity 2 and truth of heart ? No, it was feared that, 
as a wife at all events, she might disclose the wrongs 
of the Fathers, the anger of the nation against the 
pride and greed of his mother ! But, if Agrippina 
could tolerate no daughter-in-law but one inimical 
to her son, then let her be restored to her married 
life with Otho : she would go to anv corner of earth 3 
where she could hear the emperor's ignominy rather 
than view it and be entangled in his perils." To 
these and similar attacks, pressed home by tears and 
adulterous art, no opposition was offered : all men 
yearned for the breaking of the mother's power; 
none credited that the hatred of ihe son would go the 
full way to murder. 

107 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

II. Tradit Cluvius ardore retinendae Agrippinam 
potentiae eo usque provectam, ut medio diei, cum id 
temporis Nero per vinum et epulas incalesceret, 
offerret se saepius temulento comptam et incesto 
paratam. Iamque lasciva oscula et praenuntias 
Hagitii blanditias adnotantibus proximis, Senecam 
contra muliebres inlecebras subsidium a femina peti- 
visse, inmissamque Acten libertam, quae simul suo 
periculo et infamia Neronis anxia deferret pervulga- 
tum esse incestum gloriante matre. nee toleraturos 
milites profani principis imperium. Fabius Rusticus 
iion Agrippinae, sed Neroni cupitum id memorat 
eiusdemque libertae astu disiectum. Sed quae 
Cluvius. eadem ceteri quoque auctores prodidere, et 
fama hue inclinat, seu concepit animo tantum 
inmanitatis Agrippina, seu credibilior novae libidinis 
meditatio in ea visa est, quae puellaribus annis 
stuprum cum Lepido ' spe dominations admiserat. 
pari cupidine usque ad libita Pallantis provoluta et 
exercita ad omne flagitium patrui nuptiis. 

III. Igitur Nero vitare secretos eius congressus. 
abscedentem in hortos aut Tusculanum vel Antiatem 
in agrum laudare, quod otium capesseret. Postremo. 
ubicumque haberetur, praegravem ratus interficere 

1 <M..> Lepido Nipperdey. 

1 For Cluvius and Fabius Rusticus, see the notes on XIII. 
20. 

2 M. Aemilius Lepidus, son of L. Aemilius Paulus and Augus- 
tus' granddaughter Julia; a minion of Agrippina's brother 
Caligula, and married to their sister Drusilla ; executed in 39 
A.n. as an accomplice in the conspiracy of Lentulus Gaetulicus. 

108 



BOOK XIV. ii.-iii. 

II. It is stated by Cluvius 1 that Agrippina's ardour 
to keep her influence was carried so far that at 
midday, an hour at which Nero was beginning to 
experience the warmth of wine and good cheer, 
she presented herself on several occasions to her 
half-tipsy son, coquettishly dressed and prepared 
for incest. Already lascivious kisses, and endear- 
ments that were the harbingers of guilt, had been 
observed by their intimates, when Seneca sought in 
a woman the antidote to female blandishments, and 
brought in the freedwoman Acte, who, alarmed as 
she was both at her own danger and at Nero's infamy, 
was to report that the incest was common knowledge, 
since his mother boasted of it, and that the troops 
would not submit to the supremacy of a sacrilegious 
emperor. According to Fabius Rusticus, not Agrip- 
pina, but Nero, desired the union, the scheme being 
wrecked by the astuteness of the same freedwoman. 
The other authorities, however, give the same version 
as Cluvius, and to their side tradition leans ; whether 
the enormity was actually conceived in the brain of 
Agrippina, or whether the contemplation of such 
a refinement in lust was merely taken as compara- 
tively credible in a woman who, for the prospect of 
power, had in her girlish years yielded to the embraces 
of Marcus Lepidus ; z who. for a similar ambition 
had prostituted herself to the desires of Pallas ; and 
who had been inured to every turpitude by her 
marriage with her uncle. 

III. Nero, therefore, began to avoid private meet- 
ings with her ; when she left for her gardens or the 
estates at Tusculum and Antium, he commended 
her intention of resting; finally, convinced that, 
wherever she might be kept, she was still an incubus, 

log 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

constituit, hactenus consultans, veneno an ferro vel 
qua alia vi. Placuitque primo venerium. Sed inter 
epulas principis si daretur, referri ad easum non 
poterat tali iam Britannici exitio ; et ministros 
temptare arduum videbatur mulieris usu scelerum 
adversus insidias intentae ; atque ipsa praesumendo 
remedia munierat corpus. Ferrum et caedes quonam 
modo occultaretur, nemo reperiebat ; et ne quis illi 
tanto facinori delectus iussa sperneret metuebant. 
Obtulit ingenium Anicetus libertus, classi apud 
Misenum praefectus et pueritiae Neronis educator ac 
mutuis odiis Agrippinae invisus. Ergo navem posse 
componi docet, cuius pars ipso in mari per artem 
soluta effunderet ignaram : nihil tarn capax fortui- 
torum quam mare ; et si naufragio intercepta sit. 
quem adeo iniquum. ut sceleri adsignet, quod venti 
et fluctus deliquerint ? additurum principem de- 
functae templum et aras et cetera ostentandae 
pietati. 

IV. Placuit sollertia, tempore etiam iuta quando 
Quinquatruum festos dies apud Baias frequentabat. 
Uluc matrem elicit, ferendas parentium iracundias et 
placandum animum dictitans quo rumorem recon- 
ciliationis erficeret acciperetque Agrippina, facili 



1 On March 19-23. 

2 The fashionable Canipanian watering-place on the western 
side of the Golfo di Pozzuoli (sinus Baiamis). Its long term 
of popularity was ended by malaria, with help from the 
Saracens in the ninth century and from Louis XII. in the begin- 
ning of the sixteenth. 

110 



BOOK XIV. m.-iv. 

lie decided to kill her, debating only whether by 
poison, the dagger, or some other form of violence. 
The first choice fell on poison. But, if it was to be 
given at the imperial table, then the death could not 
be referred to chance, since Britannicus had already 
met a similar fate. At the same time, it seemed 
an arduous task to tamper with the domestics of a 
woman whose experience of crime had made her 
vigilant for foul play ; and, besides, she had herself 
fortified her system by taking antidotes in advance. 
Cold steel and bloodshed no one could devise a method 
of concealing : moreover, there was the risk that the 
agent chosen for such an atrocity might spurn his 
orders. Mother wit came to the rescue in the person 
of Anicetus the freedman, preceptor of Nero's boyish 
years, and detested by Agrippina with a vigour which 
was reciprocated. Accordingly, he pointed out that 
it was possible to construct a ship, part of which 
could be artificially detached, well out at sea, and 
throw the unsuspecting passenger overboard: — 
" Nowhere had accident such scope as on salt water; 
and, if the lady should be cut off by shipwreck, who 
so captious as to read murder into the delinquency 
of wind and wave? The sovereign, naturally, would 
assign the deceased a temple and the other displays 
of filial piety." 

IV. This ingenuity commended itself: the date, 
too, was in its favour, as Nero was in the habit of cele- 
brating the festival of Minerva x at Baiae. 2 Thither 
he proceeded to lure his mother, observing from time 
to time that outbreaks of parental anger had to be 
tolerated, and that he must show a forgiving spirit ; 
his aim being to create a rumour of reconciliation, 
which Agrippina, with the easy faith of her sex in 

in 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

feminarum credulitate ad gaudia. Venientem dehinc 
obvius in litora (nam Antio adventabat) excepit 
manu et complexu ducitque Baulos. Id villae 
nomen est, quae promunturium Misenum inter et 
Baianum lacum flexo mari adluitur. Stabat inter 
alias navis ornatior, tamquam id quoque honori 
matris daretur : quippe sueverat triremi et classiari- 
orum remigio vohi. Ac turn invitata ad epulas erat. 
ut occultando facinori nox adhiberetur. Satis con- 
stitit extitisse proditorem, et Agrippinam auditis 
insidiis. an crederet ambiguam, gestamine sellae 
Baias pervectam. Ibi blandimentum sublevavit 
metum : comiter excepta superque ipsum eollocata. 
lam pluribus sermonibus, modo familiaritate iuve- 
nili Nero et rursus adductus, quasi seria consociaret, 
tracto in longum convictu, prosequitur abeuntem, 
artius oculis et pectori haerens, sive explenda simu- 
latione, seu periturae matris supremus aspectus 
quamvis ferum animum retinebat. 

V. Noctem sideribus inlustrem et placido mari 
quietam quasi eonvineendum ad scelus di praebuere. 
Nee multum erat progressa navis, duobus e numero 
familiarium Agrippinam comitantibus. ex quis Cre- 
pereius Gallus haud procul gubernaculis adstabat. 
Acerronia super pedes cubitantis reclinis paeni- 
tentiam filii et reciperatam matris gratiam per 

1 The villa — once owned by the orator Hortensius, then by 
the emperors, and some three centuries later by Symmachus — 
lay a little south of Baiae. 

2 Apparently the furthest recess of the bay, between Baiae 
on the west and Puteoli on the east. 

3 Itpoj to orepvov Trpooayaywv Kai i^iAjjaay kxu to. op.pLO.Ta 
koI ras x^po-s, D. Cass. LXI. 13. 

1 On the return journey to Bauli. 
112 



BOOK XIV. iv.-v. 

the agreeable, would probably accept. — In due 
course, she came. He went down to the beach io 
meet her (she was arriving from Antium), took her 
hand, embraced her, and escorted her to Bauli, 1 the 
name of a villa washed by the waters of a cove be- 
tween the promontory of Misenum and the lake of 
Baiae. 2 Here, among others, stood a more hand- 
somely appointed vessel ; apparently one attention 
the more to his mother, as she had been accustomed 
to use a trireme with a crew of marines. Also, 
she had been invited to dinner for the occasion, so 
that night should be available for the concealment 
of the crime. It is well established that someone 
had played the informer, and that Agrippina, warned 
of the plot, hesitated whether to believe or not, but 
made the journey to Baiae in a litter. There her 
fears were relieved by the blandishments of a cordial 
welcome and a seat above the prince himself. At last, 
conversing freely, — one moment boyishly familiar, 
the next grave-browed as though making some 
serious communication, — Nero, after the banquet 
had been long protracted, escorted her on her way, 
clinging more closely than usual to her breast and 
kissing her eyes ; 3 possibly as a final touch of hypoc- 
risy, or possibly the last look upon his doomed 
mother gave pause even to that brutal spirit. 

V. A starlit night and the calm of an unruffled sea 
appeared to have been sent by Heaven to afford 
proof of guilt. The ship had made no great way, 4 
and two of Agrippina's household were in attendance, 
Crepereius Gallus standing not far from the tiller, 
while Acerronia, bending over the feet of the re- 
cumbent princess, recalled exultantly the penitence 
of the son and the re-entry of the mother into favour. 

"3 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

gaudium memorabat, cum dato signo ruere tectum 
loci multo plumbo grave, pressusque Crepereius et 
statim exanimatus est. Agrippina et Acerronia 
eminentibus lecti parietibus ac forte validioribus, 
quam ut oneri cederent, protectae sunt. Nee dis- 
solutio navigii sequebatur, turbatis omnibus et quod 
plerique ignari etiam conscios impediebant. Visum 
dehinc remigibus unum in latus inclinare atque ita 
navem submergere : sed neque ipsis promptus in 
rem subitam consensus, et alii contra nitentes dedere 
facultatem lenioris in mare iactus. Verum Acerronia, 
inprudentia dum se Agrippinam esse utque sub- 
veniretur matri principis clamitat, contis, et remis et 
quae tors obtulerat navalibus telis conficitur : Agrip- 
pina silens eoque minus adgnita (unum tamen vulnus 
umero excepit) nando, deinde occursu lenunculorum 
Lucrinum in lacum vecta villae suae infertur. 

VI. Illic reputans ideo se fallacibus litteris accitam 
et honore praecipuo habitam, quodque litus iuxta, 
non ventis acta, non saxis impulsa navis summa sui 

1 The lake, which virtually ceased to exist with the elevation 
of the Monte Nuovo in the sixteenth century, had by Agrippa 
and Octavian been converted into a naval base and training 
centre for the operations against Sextus Pompeius, the 
method being to connect it by a channel with the neigh- 
bouring Lake Avernus and to pierce and reinforce the sand 
dune separating it from the Gulf of Baiae. The partus Iulius 
so formed had been useless for years, but the outer passage 
was still practicable for craft such as the oyster-fisher's boat 
which had picked up Agrippina (Strab. 245). 

2 This must have been either Bauli or a villa of her own on 
the Lucrine. If it was Bauli — the supposition which squares 
most easily with the account of her cremation and the subse- 
quent burial in chap. 9, — then the reader is left to infer that, 
after landing, she procured a litter to carry her there. On the 
other hand, the presence of suae, the prefix in infertur. the 

114 



BOOK XIV. v.-vi. 

Suddenly llie signal was given: the canopy above 
them, which had been heavily weighted with lead, 
dropped, and Crepereius was crushed and killed on 
the spot. Agrippina and Acerronia were saved by 
the height of the couch-sides, which, as it happened, 
were too solid to give way under the impact. Nor 
did the break-up of the vessel follow : for confusion 
was universal, and even the men accessory to the 
plot were impeded by the large numbers of the 
ignorant. The crew then decided to throw their 
weight on one side and so capsize the ship ; but, even 
on their own part, agreement came too slowly for a 
sudden emergency, and a counter-effort by others 
allowed the victims a gentler fall into the waves. 
Acerronia, however, incautious enough to raise the 
cry that she was Agrippina. and to demand aid for the 
emperor's mother, was despatched with poles, oars, 
and every nautical weapon that came to hand. 
Agrippina, silent and so not generally recognised, 
though she received one wound in the shoulder, 
swam until she was met by a few fishing-smacks, 
and so reached the Lucrine lake, 1 whence she was 
carried into her own villa. 2 

VI. There she reflected on the evident purpose of 
the treacherous letter of invitation and the exceptional 
honour with which she had been treated, and on the 
fact that, hard by the shore, a vessel, driven by no 
gale and striking no reef, had collapsed at the top 

unlikelihood that a half-drowned woman would be able — or, if 
able, inclined — to make a fairly considerable journey, long 
after midnight (D. Cass. LXI. 13), past Baiae, and therefore 
almost under the eyes of her son, to a villa in which the per- 
soanel consisted of his slaves and freedmen, and to which the 
ship so narrowly escaped was ostensibly bound, are points 
which tell forcibly on the other side. See, too, chap. 8 init. 

"5 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

parte veluti terrestre machinamentum concidisset, 
observans etiam Acerroniae necem, simul suum 
vulnus aspiciens, solum insidiarum remedium esse 
sensit, 1 si non intellegerentur ; misitque libertum 
Agermum, 2 qui nuntiaret filio benignitate deum et 
fortuna eius evasisse gravem casum ; orare ut quamvis 
periculo matris exterritus visendi curam differret ; 
sibi ad praesens quiete opus. Atque interim securi- 
tate simulata medicamina vulneri et fomenta corpori 
adhibet ; testanientum Acerroniae requiri bonaque 
obsignari iubet, id tantum non per simulationem. 

VII. At Neroni nuntios patrati facinoris opperienti 
adfertur evasisse ictu levi sauciam et hactenus adito 
discrimine, ne auctor dubitaretur. Turn pavore 
exanimis et iam iamque adfore obtestans vindietae 
properam, sive servitia armaret vel militem accende- 
ret, sive ad senatum et populum pervaderet, nau- 
fragium et vulnus et interfectos amicos obiciendo : 
quod contra subsidium sibi ? Nisi quid Burrus et 
Seneca; quos statim acciverat, incertum experiens 3 
an et ante gnaros. 4 Igitur longum utriusque 
silentium, ne inriti dissuaderent, an eo descensum 
credebant. ut, nisi praeveniretur Agrippina, per- 
eundum Neroni esset. Post Seneca hactenus 

1 <8ensit> Bezzenberger. 

2 Agermum Andre sen : Agerinum. 

3 experiens (before an) Wolfflin : expergens (before quos) 
Med. The reading is totally uncertain. 

4 gnaros marg. ed. Gryph. : ignaros. 

n6 



BOOK XIV. vi.-vii. 

like an artificial structure on land. She reviewed 
as well the killing of Acerronia, glanced simulta- 
neously at her own wound, and realized that the one 
defence against treachery was to leave it undetected. 
Accordingly she sent the freedman Agermus to carry 
word to her son that, thanks to divine kindness and to 
his fortunate star, she had survived a grave accident ; 
but that, however great his alarm at his mother's 
danger, she begged him to defer the attention of 
a visit : for the moment, what she needed was rest. 
Meanwhile, with affected unconcern, she applied 
remedies to her wound and fomentations to her body : 
Acerronia 's will, she gave instructions was to be 
sought, and her effects sealed up, — the sole measure 
not referable to dissimulation. 

VII. Meanwhile, as Nero was waiting for the 
messengers who should announce the doing of the 
deed, there came the news that she had escaped 
with a wound from a light blow, after running just 
sufficient risk to leave no doubt as to its author. 
Half-dead with terror, he protested that any moment 
she would be here, hot for vengeance. And whether 
she armed her slaves or inflamed the troops, or made 
her way to the senate and the people, and charged 
him with the wreck, her wound, and the slaying of 
her friends, what counter-resource was at his own 
disposal ? Unless there was hope in Seneca and 
Burrus ! He had summoned them immediately : 
whether to test their feeling, or as cognizant already 
of the secret, is questionable. — There followed, 
then, a long silence on the part of both : either they 
were reluctant to dissuade in vain, or they believed 
matters to have reached a point at which Agrippina 
must be forestalled or Nero perish. After a time, 

117 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

promptius, ut ' respiceret Burrum ac sciscitaretur, an 
militi imperanda caedes esset. Ille praetorianos toti 
Caesarum domui obstrictos memoresque Gcrmanici 
nihil adversus progeniem eius atrox ausuros respondit : 
perpetraret Anicetus promissa. Qui nihil cunctatus 
poscit suramam sceleris. Ad earn vocem Nero illo 
sibi die dari imperium auctoremque tanti muneris 
libertum profitetur : iret propere duceretque 
promptissimos ad iussa. Ipse audito venisse missu 
Agrippinae nuntium Agermum. 2 scaenam ultro 
criminis parat, gladiumque, dum mandata per- 
fert, abicit inter pedes eius, turn quasi deprehenso 
vincla inici iubet. ut exitium principis molitam 
matrem et pudore deprehensi sceleris sponte mortem 
sumpsisse confingeret. 

VIII. Interim vulgato Agrippinae periculo, quasi 
casu evenisset, ut quisque acceperat, decurrere ad 
litus. Hi molium objectus, hi proximas scaphas 
scandere ; alii, quantum corpus sinebat, vadere in 
mare; quidam manus protendere : questibus, votis. 
clamore diversa rogitantium aut incerta responden- 
dum omnis ora compleri ; adfluere ingens multi- 
tudo cum luminibus, atque ubi incolumem esse 
pernotuit. ut ad gratandum sese expedire, donee 
aspectu armati et minitantis agminis disiecti sunt. 

1 <ut> Doederlein. 

2 Agermum A ndresen: Agerinum Med. And similarly below. 



1 If the villa is on the Lucrine, the molium obiectus are 
evidently the half natural, half artificial barrier — " eight 
furlongs in length and as broad as a wide carriage-road 
(Strab. 245) — which separated the lake from the sea." If it is 
Bauli, the embankments are still explicable by such passages 
as Hor. Carm. II. 18, 19 : — struts domo* Marisque B<iit- 6b- 
strepentis urges Summovere litora. 

n8 



BOOK XIV. vn.-vm. 

Seneca so far took the lead as to glance at Burrus and 
inquire if the fatal order should be given to the 
military. His answer was that the guards, pledged 
as they were to the Caesarian house as a whole, and 
attached to the memory of Germanicus, would 
flinch from drastic measures against his issue : 
Anicetus must redeem his promise. He, without 
any hesitation, asked to be given full charge of the 
crime. The words brought from Nero a declaration 
that that day presented him with an empire, and that 
he had a freedman to thank for so great a boon : 
Anicetus must go with speed and take an escort of 
men distinguished for implicit obedience to orders. 
He himself, on hearing that Agermus had come with 
a message from Agrippina, anticipated it by setting 
the stage for a charge of treason, threw a sword at 
his feet while he was doing his errand, then ordered 
his arrest as an assassin caught in the act ; his in- 
tention being to concoct a tale that his mother had 
practised against the imperial life and taken refuge 
in suicide from the shame of detection. 

VIII. In the interval, Agrippina's jeopardy, which 
was attributed to accident, had become generally 
known; and there was a rush to the beach, as man 
after man learned the news. Some swarmed up 
the sea-wall, 1 some into the nearest fishing-boats : 
others were wading middle-deep into the surf, a few 
standing with outstretched arms. The whole shore 
rang with lamentations and vows and the din of 
conflicting questions and vague replies. A huge 
multitude streamed up with lights, and, when the 
knowledge of her safety spread, set out to offer 
congratulations : until, at the sight of an armed and 
threatening column, they were forced to scatter. 

119 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Anicetus villam statione circumdat refractaque ianua 
obvios servorum abripit, donee ad fores cubiculi 
veniret ; cui pauci adstabant, ceteris terrore in- 
rumpentium exterritis. Cubieulo modicum lumen 
inerat et ancillarum una, magis ac magis anxia 
Agrippina, quod nemo a filio ac ne Agermus quidem : 
aliam fore laetae rei 1 faciem ; nunc solitudinem ac 
repentinos strepitus et extremi mali indicia. Abe- 
unte dehinc ancilla " Tu quoque me deseris " pro- 
locuta respicit Anicetum, trierarcho Herculeio et 
Obarito centurione classiario comitatum : ac, si ad 
visendum venisset, refotam nuntiaret, sin facinus 
patraturus, nihil se de filio credere ; non imperatum 
parricidium. Circumsistunt lectum percussores et 
prior trierarchus fusti caput eius adflixit. lam in 
mortem centurioni ferrum destringenti protendens 
uterum "Ventrem feri" exclamavit multisque vul- 
neribus confecta est. 

IX. Haec consensu produntur. Aspexeritne ma- 
trem exanimem Nero et formam corporis eius 
laudaverit, sunt qui tradiderint, sunt qui abnuant. 
Cremata est nocte eadem convivali lecto et exsequiis 
vilibus ; neque, dum Nero rerum potiebatur, con- 
gesta aut clausa humus. Mox domesticorum cura 
levem tumulum accepit, viarn Miseni propter et 
villam Caesaris dictatoris, quae subiectos sinus 

1 laetae rei Bezzenberger : lataeret. 

1 There is more, " on trustworthy authority," in Suetonius 
(Ncr. 34) : Dio adds the remark, which is at least in character: — 
Oi5*c ySeii' on ovtu) ko.\t)v /.irjTfpa e'^ov. 

120 



BOOK XIV. VIH.-IX. 

Anicetus drew a cordon round the villa, and, breaking 
down the entrance, dragged off the slaves as they 
appeared, until he reached the bedroom-door. 
A few servants were standing by : the rest had fled 
in terror at the inrush of men. In the chamber was 
a dim light and a single waiting-maid ; and Agrip- 
pina's anxiety deepened every instant. Why no 
one from her son — nor even Agermus ? Had matters 
prospered, they would have worn another aspect. 
Now, nothing but solitude, hoarse alarms, and 
the symptoms of irremediable ill ! Then the maid 
rose to go. ' ' Dost thou too forsake me ? ' ' she 
began, and saw Anicetus behind her, accompanied by 
Herculeius, the trierarch, and Obaritus, a centurion 
of marines. " If he had come to visit the sick, he 
might take back word that she felt refreshed. If to 
do murder, she would believe nothing of her son : 
matricide was no article of their instructions." The 
executioners surrounded the couch, and the trierarch 
began by striking, her on the head with a club. 
The centurion was drawing his sword to make an end, 
when she proffered her womb to the blow. " Strike 
here," she exclaimed, and was despatched with 
repeated wounds. 

IX. So far the accounts concur. Whether Nero 
inspected the corpse of his mother and expressed 
approval of her figure is a statement which some 
affirm and some deny. 1 She was cremated the same 
night, on a dinner-couch, and with the humblest 
rites ; nor, so long as Nero reigned, was the earth 
piled over the grave or enclosed. Later, by the care 
of her servants, she received a modest tomb, hard 
by the road to Misenum and that villa of the dictator 
Caesar which looks from its dizzy height to the 

121 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

editissima prospectat. Aecenso rogo libertus eius 
cognomento Mnester se ipse l ferro transegit, 
incertum caritate in patronam an metu exitii. Hunc 
sui finem multos ante annos crediderat Agrippina 
contempser.'itque. Nam consulenti super Nerone 
responderunt Chaldaei fore ut imperaret matremque 
occideret; atque ilia " Occidat " inquit " dum 
imperet." 

X. Sed a Caesare perfecto demum scelere magni- 
tudo eius intellecta est. Reliquo noctis modo per 
silentium defixus, saepius pavore exsurgens et mentis 
inops lucem opperiebatur tamquam exitium adla- 
turam. Atque eum auctore Burro prima centurio- 
num tribunorumque adulatio ad spem firmavit, 
prensantium manum gratantiumque, quod discrimen 
improvisum et matris facinus evasisset. Amici 
dehinc adire templa, et coepto exemplo proxima 
Campaniae municipia victimis et legationibus laeti- 
tiam testari : ipse diversa simulatione maestus et 
quasi incolumitati suae infensus ac morti parentis 
inlacrimans. Quia tamen non, ut hominum vultus, 
ita locorum facies mutantur, obversabaturque maris 
illius et litorum gravis aspectus (et erant qui crederent 
sonitum tubae collibus circum editis planctusque 
tumulo matris audiri), Neapolim concessit litterasque 

1 se ipse Nipperdey : ipse Med., ipse se Ernesti. 

1 Possibly, but not more than possibly, the promised pre- 
diction of Thrasyllus' son (VI. 22 fin.). 

2 Obviously, in spite of Dio (v-rro oaAmyywv Si) tivojv, 
TToAefiiKov ri xai dopvficbhes ■ ■ ■ ijxovouiv eSei/xarovro, LXI. 14), 
a funeral trumpet (Pers. III. 103 etc.). 

122 



BOOK XIV. ix. -x. 

bay outspread beneath. As the pyre was kindled, 
one of her freedmen, by the name of Mnester, ran 
a sword through his body, whether from love of his 
mistress or from fear of his own destruction remains 
unknown. This was that ending to which, years 
before, Agrippina had given her credence, and her 
contempt. For to her inquiries as to the destiny of 
Nero the astrologers answered that he should reign, 
and slay his mother; 1 and " Let him slay," she had 
said, " so that he reign." 

X. But only with the completion of the crime was 
its magnitude realized by the Caesar. For the rest 
of the night, sometimes dumb and motionless, but 
not rarely starting in terror to his feet with a sort of 
delirium, he waited for the daylight which he believed 
would bring his end. Indeed, his first encouragement 
to hope came from the adulation of the centurions 
and tribunes, as, at the suggestion of Burrus, they 
grasped his hand and wished him joy of escaping 
his unexpected danger and the criminal enterprise 
of his mother. His friends in their turn visited the 
temples ; and. once the example had been given. 
the Campanian towns in the neighbourhood attested 
their joy by victims and deputations. By a contrast 
in hypocrisv, he himself was mournful, repining 
apparently at his own preservation and full of tears 
for the death of a parent. But because the features 
of a landscape change less obligingly than the looks 
of men, and because there was always obtruded 
upon his gaze the grim prospect of that sea and those 
shores, — and there were some who believed that he 
could hear a trumpet, 2 calling in the hills that rose 
around, and lamentations at his mother's grave, — 
he withdrew to Naples and forwarded to the senate 

123 

VOL. IV. p 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

ad senatuin misit, quarum summa erat repertum 
cum ferro percussorem Agermum, ex intimis Agrip- 
pinae libei-tis, et luisse earn poenas 1 conscientia. 
qua& 2 scelus paravisset. 

XI. Adiciebat crimina longius repetita, quod 
consortium imperii iuraturasque in feminae verba 
praetorias cohortis idemque dedecus senatus et 
populi speravisset, ac postquam frustra habita 3 sit, 
infensa militi patribusque et plebi dissuasisset 
donativum et congiarium periculaque viris inlustri- 
bus struxisset. 4 Quanto suo labore perpetratum, ne 
inrumperet curiam, ne gentibus externis responsa 
daret. Temporum quoque Claudianorum obliqua 
insectatione cuncta eius dominationis flagitia in 
matrem transtulit, publica fortuna exstinctam 
referens. Namque et naufragium narrabat : quod 
fortuitum fuisse, quis adeo hebes inveniretur, ut 
crederet ? Aut a muliere naufraga missum cum 
telo unum, qui cohortes et classes imperatoris 
perfringeret ? Ergo non iam Nero, cuius inmanitas 
omnium quest us anteibat, sed Seneca adverso rumore 
erat, quod oratione tali confessionem scripsisset. 

XII. Miro tamen certamine procerum decernuntur 
supplicationes apud omnia pulvinaria, utque Quin- 
quatrus, quibus apertae insidiae essent, ludis annuis 
celebrarentur ; aureum Minervae simulacrum in 

1 poenas Nipperdey : poenani. 

2 quasi Halm : qua. 

3 habita Muretus : ablata. 

4 struxisset Ritter : instruxisset. 

124 



BOOK XIV. x. xii. 

a letter, the sum of which was that an assassin with 
his weapon upon him had been discovered in Agermus, 
one of the confidential freedman of Agrippina, and 
that his mistress, conscious of her guilt, had paid the 
penalty of meditated murder. 

XI. He appended a list of charges drawn from the 
remoter past: — "She had hoped for a partnership 
in the empire ; for the praetorian cohorts to swear 
allegiance to a woman ; for the senate and people 
to submit to a like ignominy. Then, her ambition 
foiled, she had turned against the soldiers, the Fathers 
and the commons ; had opposed the donative and the 
largesse, and had worked for the ruin of eminent 
citizens. At what cost of labour had he succeeded 
in preventing her from forcing the door of the senate 
and delivering her answers to foreign nations!" 
He made an indirect attack on the Claudian period 
also, transferring every scandal of the reign to the 
account of his mother, whose removal he ascribed 
to the fortunate star of the nation. For even the 
wreck was narrated : though where was the foily 
which could believe it accidental, or that a ship- 
wrecked woman had despatched a solitary man with 
a weapon to cut his way through the guards and 
navies of the emperor? The object, therefore, of 
popular censure was no longer Nero — whose barbarity 
transcended all protest — but Seneca, who in compos- 
ing such a plea had penned a confession. 

XII. However, with a notable spirit of emulation 
among the magnates, decrees were drawn up: 
thanksgivings were to be held at all appropriate 
shrines ; the festival of Minerva, on which the 
conspiracy had been brought to light, was to be 
celebrated with annual games ; a golden statue of 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

curia et iuxta principis imago statuerentur ; dies 
natalis Agrippinae inter nefastos esset. Thrasea 
Paetus silentio vel brevi adsensu priores adulationes 
transmittere solitus exiit turn senatu, ac sibi causam 
periculi fecit, ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit. 
Prodigia quoque crebra et inrita intercessere. 
Anguem enixa mulier, et alia in concubitu mariti 
fulmine exanimata : iam sol repente obscuratus et 
tactae de caelo quattuordecim urbis regiones. Quae 
adeo sine cura deum eveniebant, ut multos post 
annos Nero imperium et scelera continuaverit. 
Ceterum quo gravaret invidiam matris eaque demota 
auctam lenitatem suam testificaretur, feminas in- 
lustris Iuniam et Calpurniam, praetura functos 
Valerium Capitonem et Licinium Gabolum sedibus 
patriis reddidit, ab Agrippina olim pulsos. Etiam 
Lolliae Paulinae cineres reportari sepulcrumque 
exstrui permisit ; quosque ipse nuper relegaverat, 
Iturium et Calvisium poena exsolvit. Nam Silana 
fato functa erat, longinquo ab exilio Tarentum 
regressa labante iam Agrippina, cuius inimicitiis con- 
ciderat, vel mitigata. 

XIII. Tamen x cunctari in oppidis Campaniae, quo- 
nam modo urbem ingrederetur,anobsequium senatus. 
an studia plebis reperiret anxius : contra deter rim us 

1 mitigata. Tamen Halm : tamen mitigata. 

1 Nov. 6. 2 See XIII. 41 n. 

3 For Junia, see XII. 4 and 8; for Calpurnia and Lollia 
Paulina, XII. 22; for Silana, Iturius, and Calvisius, XIII. 
19 sqq. Capito and Gabolus are unknown. 

126 



BOOK XIV. xii. -xin. 

the goddess, with an effigy of the emperor by her 
side, was to be erected in the curia, and Agrippina's 
birthday l included among the inauspicious dates. 
Earlier sycophancies Thrasea Paetus had usually 
allowed to pass, either in silence or with a curt 
assent : this time he walked out of the senate, 
creating a source of danger for himself, but im- 
planting no germ of independence in his colleagues. 
Portents, also, frequent and futile made their ap- 
pearance : a woman gave birth to a serpent, another 
was killed by a thunderbolt in the embraces of her 
husband; the sun, again, was suddenly obscured, 2 
and the fourteen regions of the capital were struck 
bv lijjhtninff — events which so little marked the 
concern of the gods that Nero continued for years 
to come his empire and his crimes. However, to 
aggravate the feeling against his mother, and to 
furnish evidence that his own mildness had increased 
with her removal, he restored to their native soil 
two women of high rank, Junia and Calpurnia, along 
with the ex-praetors Valerius Capito and Licinius 
Gabolus 3 — all of them formerly banished by Agrip- 
pina. He sanctioned the return, even, of the ashes 
of Lollia Paulina, and the erection of a tomb : Iturius 
and Calvisius, whom he had himself relegated some 
little while before, he now released from the penalty. 
As to Silana, she had died a natural death at Taren- 
tum, to which she had retraced her way, when 
Agrippina, by whose enmity she had fallen, was 
beginning to totter or to relent. 

XIII. And yet he dallied in the towns of Campania, 
anxious and doubtful how to make his entry into 
Rome. Would he find obedience in the senate ? 
enthusiasm in the crowd ? Against his timidity it 

127 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

quisque, quorum non alia regia fecundior extitit, 
invisum Agrippinae nomen et morte eius accensum 
populi favorem disserunt : iret intrepidus et venera- 
tionem sui coram experiretur ; simul praegredi ex- 
poscunt. Et promptiora quam promiserant in- 
veniunt, obvias tribus, festo cultu senatum, coniugum 
ac liberorum agmina per sexum et aetatem disposita. 
exstructos, qua incederet, spectaculorum gradus, quo 
modo triumphi visuntur. Hinc superbus ac publici 
servitii victor Capitolium adiit, gratis exsolvit, 
seque in omnes libidines efFudit, quas male coercitas 
qualiscumque matris reverentia tardaverat. 

XIV. Vetus illi cupido erat curriculo quadrigarum 
insistere, nee minus foedum studium cithara ludicrum 
in modum canere. Concertare equis x regium et 
antiquis ducibus factitatum memorabat, idque vatum 
laudibus celebre et deorum honori datum. Enimvero 
cantus Apollini sacros, talique ornatu adstare non 
modo Graecis in urbibus, sed Romana apud templa 
numen praecipuum et praescium. Nee iam sisti 
poterat, cum Senecae ac Burro visum, ne utraque 
pervinceret, alterum concedere. Clausumque valle 
Vaticana spatium, in quo equos regeret, haud 
promisco spectaculo. Mox ultro vocari populus 

1 concertare equis Halm : cum celaret (cenaret AI. Z ) quis. 

1 In his gardens on the east of the Vatican, St. Peter's now 
occupying part of the site. 

128 



BOOK XIV. xm.-xiv. 

was urged by every reprobate — and a court more 
prolific of reprobates the world has not seen — that 
the name of Agrippina was abhorred and that her 
death had won him the applause of the nation. Let 
him go without a qualm and experience on the spot 
the veneration felt for his person ! At the same time, 
they demanded leave to precede him. They found, 
indeed, an alacrity which surpassed their promises : 
the tribes on the way to meet him ; the senate in 
festal dress ; troops of wives and of children disposed 
according to their sex and years, while along his 
route rose tiers of seats of the type used for viewing 
a triumph. Then, flushed with pride, victor over 
the national servility, he made his way to the Capitol, 
paid his grateful vows, and abandoned himself to all 
the vices, till now retarded, though scarcely repressed, 
by some sort of deference to his mother. 

XIV. It was an old desire of his to drive a chariot 
and team of four, and an equally repulsive ambition 
to sing to the lyre in the stage manner. " Racing 
with horses," he used to observe, " was a royal 
accomplishment, and had been practised by the 
commanders of antiquity : the sport had been 
celebrated in the praises of poets and devoted to the 
worship of Heaven. As to song, it was sacred to 
Apollo ; and it was in the garb appropriate to it that, 
both in Greek cities and in Roman temples, that 
great and prescient deity was seen standing." 
He could no longer be checked, when Seneca and 
Burrus decided to concede one of his points rather 
than allow him to carry both ; and an enclosure was 
made in the Vatican valley, 1 where he could manoeuvre 
his horses without the spectacle being public. 
Before long, the Roman people received an invitation 

129 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Komanus laudibusque extollere. ut est vulgus 
cupiens voluptatum et, si eodem princeps trahat, 
laetum. Ceterum evulgatus pudor non satietatem, 
ut rebantur, sed incitamentum attulit. Ratusque 
dedecus molliri, si plures foedasset, nobilium fami- 
liarum posteros egestate venalis in scaenam deduxit ; 
quos fato perfunctos ne nominatim tradam, maioribus 
eorum tribuendum puto. Nam et eius flagitium est, 
qui pecuniam ob delicta potius dedit, quam ne 
delinquerent. Notos quoque equites Romanos operas 
arenae promittere subegit donis ingentibus, nisi 
quod merces ab eo, qui iubere potest, vim necessitatis 
adfert. 

XV. Ne tamen adhuc publico theatro dehonestare- 
tur, instituit ludos Iuvenalium vocabulo, in quos 
passim nomina data. Non nobilitas cuiquam, non 
aetas aut acti honores impedimento, quo minus 
Graeci Latinive histrionis artem exercerent usque 
ad gestus modosque haud virilis. Quin et feminae 
inlustres deformia meditari ; exstructaque apud 
nemus, quod navali stagno circumposuit Augustus, 
conventicula et cauponae et posita veno inritamenta 
luxui. Dabanturque stipes, quas boni necessitate, 
intemperantes gloria consumerent. Inde gliscere 
flagitia et infamia, nee ulla moribus olim corruptis 
plus libidinum circumdedit quam ilia conluvies. Vix 

1 To celebrate the first shaving of his beard (D. Cass. LXI. 
19 : compare the anecdote, ib. 17 and Suet. Ner. 34). 

2 Navalis procli spectachtm populo dedi trans Tiberim in quo 
loco nunc nemus est Caesarum, Mon. Anc. IV. 43. 

ISO 



BOOK XIV. xiv.-xv. 

in form, and began to hymn his praises, as is the way 
of the crowd, hungry for amusements, and delighted 
if the sovereign draws in the same direcxion. How- 
ever, the publication of his shame brought with it, 
not the satiety expected, but a stimulus ; and, in 
the belief that he was attenuating his disgrace by 
polluting others, he brought on the stage those 
scions of the great houses whom poverty had rendered 
venal. They have passed away, and I regard it as a 
debt due to their ancestors not to record them by 
name. For the disgrace, in part, is his who gave 
money for the reward of infamy and not for its 
prevention. Even well-known Roman knights he 
induced to promise their services in the arena by 
what might be called enormous bounties, were it 
not that gratuities from him who is able to command 
carry with them the compelling quality of necessity. 
XV. Reluctant, however, as yet to expose his 
dishonour on a public stage, he instituted the so- 
called Juvenile Games , l for which a crowd of volunteers 
enrolled themselves. Neither rank, nor age, nor an 
official career debarred a man from practising the 
art of a Greek or Latin mummer, down to attitudes 
and melodies never meant for the male sex. Even 
women of distinction studied indecent parts ; and in 
the grove with which Augustus fringed his Naval 
Lagoon, 2 little trysting-places and drinking-dens 
sprang up, and every incentive to voluptuousness 
was exposed for sale. Distributions of coin, too, were 
made, for the respectable man to expend under 
compulsion and the prodigal from vainglory. Hence 
debauchery and scandal throve ; nor to our morals, 
corrupted long before, has anything contributed 
more of uncleanness than that herd of reprobates. 

131 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

artibus honestis pudor retinetur, nedum inter 
certamina vitiorum pudicitia aut modestia aut 
quicquam probi moris reservaretur. Postremurn 
ipse scaenam incedit. multa cura teniptans citharam 
et praemeditans adsistentibus phonascis. 1 Acces- 
serat cohors militum, centuriones tribunique et 
maerens Burrus ac laudans. Tuncque primum 
eonscripti sunt equites Romani cognomento Augusti- 
anorum, 2 aetate ac robore conspicui, et pars ingenio 
procaces, alii in spem potentiae. Ii dies ac noctes 
plausibus personare, formam principis vocemque 
deum vocabulis appellantes ; quasi per virtutem clari 
honoratique agere. 

XVI. Ne tamen ludicrae tantum imperatoris artes 
notescerent, carminum quoque studium adfectavit, 
eontractis quibus aliqua pangendi facultas necdum 
insignis erat. Hi cenati 3 considere simul, et adlatos 
vel ibidem repertos versus connectere atque ipsius 
verba quoquo modo prolata supplere, quod species 
ipsa carminum docet, non impetu et instinctu nee 
ore uno fluens. Etiam sapientiae doctoribus 
tempus impertiebat post epulas, utque contrana 

1 phonascis Muretus : faeies. 

2 Augustianoruin Xipperdey : augusttanoruni. 

3 erat. hi cenati Halm (after Muretus and Haase) : aetatis 
nati. 

1 Some four years later, the corps is said to have included, 
besides the knights, four thousand sturdy plebeians (soldiers, 
according to Dio), v ith fixed salaries for the leaders, a stand- 
ardized system of applause, and distinctive points of appear- 
ance — pomaded hair, ringless left hands, etc. (Suet. Ner. 20; 
D. Cass. LXI. 20). 

2 Examples may be seen in Dio. (LXI. 20). 

' Suetonius dissents strongly : — Vtnere in manm meets 
pugillares libellique cum quibusdatn notissimis versibus, ipsius 

132 



BOOK XIV. xv.-xvi. 

Even in the decent walks of life, purity is hard to 
keep : far less could chastity or modesty or any vestige 
of integrity survive in that competition of the vices. — ■ 
Last of all to tread the stage was the sovereign him- 
self, scrupulously testing his lyre and striking a few 
preliminary notes to the trainers at his side. A 
cohort of the guards had been added to the audience 
— centurions and tribunes ; Burr us, also, with his sigh 
and his word of praise. Now, too, for the first time 
was enrolled the company of Roman knights known as 
the Augustiani ; * conspicuously youthful and robust ; 
wanton in some cases by nature ; in others, through 
dreams of power. Days and nights they thundered 
applause, bestowed the epithets reserved for deity 2 
upon the imperial form and voice, and lived in a 
repute and honour, which might have been earned by 
virtue. 

XVI. And yet, lest it should be only the histrionic 
skill of the emperor which won publicity, he affected 
also a zeal for poetry and gathered a group of 
associates with some faculty for versification but not 
such as to have yet attracted remark. These, after 
dining, sat with him, devising a connection for the 
lines they had brought from home or invented on the 
spot, and eking out the phrases suggested, for better 
or worse, by their master ; the method being obvious 
even from the general cast of the poems, 3 which run 
without energy or inspiration and lack unity of style. 
Even to the teachers of philosophy he accorded a 
little time — but after dinner, and in order to amuse 
himself by the wrangling which attended the ex- 

rhirographo scriptis ; ut facile appareret non translates, aut 
dictante aliquo exceptos, sed plane quasi a cogitante atque. 
generante ezaratos (Ner. 52). 

*33 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

adseverantium discordia trueretur. 1 Nee deerant 
qui ore vultuque tristi inter oblectamenta regia 
spectari cuperent. 

XVII. Sub idem tempus levi initio atrox caedes 
orta inter colonos Nucerinos Pompeianosque gladia- 
torio spectaculo, quod Livineius Regulus, quem mo- 
tum senatu rettuli, edebat. Quippe oppidana lascivia 
in vieem incessentes probra, dein saxa, postremo fer- 
rum sumpsere, validiore Pompeianorum plebe, apud 
quos spectaculum edebatur. Ergo deportati sunt in 
urbem multi e Nucerinis trunco per vulnera eorpore, 
ac plerique liberorum aut parentum mortes deflebant. 
Cuius rei iudicium princeps senatui, senatus consuli- 
bus permisit. Et rursus re ad patres relata, prohibiti 
publice in decern annos eius modi coetu Pompeiani 
collegiaque, quae contra leges instituerant. dissoluta ; 
Livineius et qui alii seditionem conciverant exilio 
multati sunt. 

XVIII. Motus senatu et Pedius Blaesus, accusanti- 
bus Cyrenensibus violatum ab eo thesaurum Aescu- 
lapii dilectumque militarem pretio et ambitione cor- 
ruptum. Idem Cyrenenses reum agebant Acilium 
Strabonem, praetoria potestate usum et missum 
disceptatorem a Claudio agrorum, quos regis Apio- 
nis quondam avitos et populo Romano cum regno 

1 discordia frueretur Bezzenberger : discordiae rueretur. 

1 Now Nocera — to the east of Pompeii. 

2 The notice is lost. — Two or three graffiti at Pompeii arc 
inspired by this feud. 

3 In conjunction with Crete. Cyrene formed a minor sena- 
torial province. 

4 Ptolemy Apion, a natural son of Ptolemy VII (" Physcon ") 
of Egypt. By the discovery, seven years ago, of an unexecuted 
will of Physcon it was shown that Apion's legacy of the 
Cyrenaica to Rome (96 B.C.) was merely the realization of a 
project formed by his father. 

r 34 



BOOK XIV. xvi.-xvm. 

position of their conflicting dogmas. Nor was 
there any dearth of gloomy-browed and sad-eyed 
sages eager to figure among the diversions of 
majesty. 

XVII. About the same date, a trivial incident led 
to a serious affray between the inhabitants of the 
colonies of Nuceria 1 and Pompeii, at a gladiatorial 
show presented by Livineius Regulus, whose removal 
from the senate has been noticed. 2 During an ex- 
change of raillery, typical of the petulance of country 
towns, they resorted to abuse, then to stones, and 
finally to steel ; the superiority lying with the popu- 
lace of Pompeii, where the show was being exhibited. 
As a result, many of the Nucerians were carried 
maimed and wounded to the capital, while a very 
large number mourned the deaths of children or of 
parents. The trial of the affair was delegated by 
the emperor to the senate ; by the senate to the 
consuls. On the case being again laid before the 
members, the Pompeians as a community were 
debarred from holding any similar assembly for 
ten years, and the associations which they had formed 
illegally were dissolved. Livineius and the other 
fomenters of the outbreak were punished with 
exile. 

XVIII. Pedius Blaesus also was removed from the 
senate : he was charged by the Cyrenaeans 3 with 
profaning the treasury of Aesculapius and falsifying 
the military levy by venality and favouritism. An 
indictment was brought, again by Cyrene, against 
Acilius Strabo, who had held praetorian office and 
been sent by Claudius to adjudicate on the estates, 
once the patrimony of King Apion, 4 which he had 
bequeathed along with his kingdom to the Roman 

135 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

relictos proximus quisque possessor invaserant, 
diutinaque licentia et iniuria quasi iure et aequo 
nitebantur. Igitur abiudicatis agris orta adversus 
iudicem invidia ; et senatus ignota sibi esse mandata 
Claudii et consulendum principem respondit. Nero 
probata Strabonis sententia, se nihilo minus subvenire 
sociis et usurpata concedere scripsit. 1 

XIX. Sequuntur virorum inlustrium mortes 
Domitii Afri et M. Servilii, qui summis honoribus et 
multa eloquentia viguerant, ille orando causas, Ser- 
vilius diu foro, mox tradendis rebus Romanis Celebris 
et elegantia vitae, quam clariorem effecit, ut par 
ingenio, ita morum diversus. 

XX. Nerone quartum Cornelio Cosso consulibus 
quinquennale ludierum Romae institutum est ad 
morem Graeci certaminis, varia fama, ut cuncta 
ferme nova. Quippe erant qui Gnaeum quoque 
Pompeium incusatum a senioribus ferrent, quod 
mansuram theatri sedem posuisset. Nam antea 
subitariis gradibus et scaena in tempus strueta ludos 
edi solitos, vel si vetustiora repetas, stantem populum 
spectavisse, ne, si consideret theatro dies totos igna- 

1 scripsit] rescripsit Haase. 

1 IV. 52 n.. 66 n. 

2 M. Servilius Xonianus, consul in 35 a.d. He was writing 
history under Claudius, who attended one of his readings 
(Plin. Ep. I. 13); is coupled by Tacitus with Aufidius Bassus, 
in contrast to Sisenna and Varro, as a type of modern eloquence 
{Dial. 23; cf. Quint. X. 1, 102); and has been conjectured to 
be the consular historian who related as an eye-witness an 
incident at Tiberius' dinner-table (Suet. Tib. 61 fin.). 

3 The Neronia : see XVI. 4. 

4 Greek games, though not exactly common, had been fairly 
often presented. The Neronia, however, would seem to have 
been the first instance at Rome of a tripartite contest (Suet. 
Net. 12), the usual athletes and horses being supplemented by 
a contest of music (including poetry and rhetoric) : a feature 
136 



BOOK XIV. xvm.-xx. 

nation. They had been annexed by the neighbouring 
proprietors, who relied on their long-licensed usurpa- 
tion as a legal and fair title. Hence, when the 
adjudication went against them, there was an out- 
break of ill-will against the adjudicator; and the 
senate could only answer that it was ignorant of 
Claudius' instructions and the emperor would have to 
be consulted. Nero, while upholding Strabo's verdict, 
wrote that none the less he supported the provincials 
and made over to them the property occupied. 

XIX. There followed the death of two famous 
men, Domitius Afer 1 and Marcus Servilius ; 2 both of 
whom had been distinguished as great officials and 
eloquent orators. Afer's celebrity, however, was 
due to his practice as an advocate ; that of Servilius, 
primarily to his long activity in the courts, then to 
his work as a Roman historian, and, again, to a re- 
finement of life made more noticeable by the fact 
that, while equal in genius to his rival, he was a 
complete contrast to him in character. 

XX. In the consulate of Nero — his fourth term— ^f^ 1 
and of Cornelius Cossus, a quinquennial competition 3 

on the stage, in the style of a Greek contest, was in- 
troduced at Rome. Like almost all innovations 4 it 
was variously canvassed. Some insisted that " even 
Pompey had been censured by his elders for estab- 
lishing the theatre in a permanent home. 5 Before, 
the games had usually been exhibited with the help 
of improvised tiers of benches and a stage thrown 
up for the occasion; or, to go further into the past, 
the people stood to watch : seats in the theatre, it 
was feared, might tempt them to pass whole days in 

retained in the better known and longer-lived agon Gapitolinus 
of Domitian. 
* IV. 7 n. 

137 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

via continuaret. Spectaculorum quidem antiquitas 
servaretur, quotiens praetor sederet, 1 nulla cui- 
quam civium necessitate certandi. Ceterum abolitos 
paulatim patrios mores funditus everti per accitam 
lasciviam, ut quod usquam corrumpi et corrumpere 
queat, in urbe visatur, degeneretque studiis externis 
iuventus, gymnasia et otia et turpis amores exer- 
cendo. principe et senatu auctoribus, qui non modo 
licentiam vitiis permiserint, sed vim adhibeant, ut 
proceres Romani specie orationum et carminum 
scaena polluantur. Quid superesse, nisi ut corpora 
quoque nudent et caestus adsumant easque pugnas 
pro militia et armis meditentur ? An iustitiam auctum 
iri 2 et decurias equitum egregius 3 iudicandi munus 
expleturos, si fractos sonos et dulcedinem vocum 
perite audissent ? Noctis quoque dedecori adiectas, 
ne quod tempus pudori relinquatur, sed coetu 
promisco, quod perditissimus quisque per diem 
concupiverit, per tenebras audeat. 

XXI. Pluribus ipsa licentia placebat, ac tamen 
honesta nomina praetendebant. Maiores quoque 

1 praetor sederet] praetores ederent Lipsius, vutg. 

2 iustitiam auctum iri Madvig : iustitia augurii. 

3 egregius Madvig : egregium. 

1 Responsibility for the public games had been transferred 
by Augustus from the aediles to the praetors ; but, in the pre- 
sent case, Nero magistros toti certamini praeposuit consular is 
sorte, sede praetor um (Suet. Ner. 12) — a passage which, in 
conjunction with XI. 11 (sedente Claudio) and Juv. XI. 192 
(praeda caballorum praetor sedet) seems a perfectly adequate 
defence of the manuscript reading as against Lipsius' plausible 
emendation. 



BOOK XIV. xx.-xxi. 

indolence. By all means let the spectacles be re- 
tained in their old form, whenever the praetor 
presided, 1 and so long as no citizen lay under 
any obligation to compete. But the national 
morality, which had gradually fallen into oblivion, 
was being overthrown from the foundations by this 
imported licentiousness ; the aim of which was that 
every production of every land, capable of either 
undergoing or engendering corruption, should be on 
view in the capital, and that our youth, under the 
influence of foreign tastes, should degenerate into 
votaries of the gymnasia, of indolence, and of dis- 
honourable amours, — and this at the instigation of 
the emperor and senate, who, not content with 
conferring immunity upon vice, were applying 
compulsion, in order that Roman nobles should 
pollute themselves on the stage under pretext of 
delivering an oration or a poem. 2 What remained 
but to strip to the skin as well, put on the gloves, 
and practise that mode of conflict instead of the 
profession of arms? Would justice be promoted, 
would the equestrian decuries better fulfil their 
great judicial functions, if they had lent an expert 
ear to emasculated music and dulcet voices ? Even 
night had been requisitioned for scandal, so that 
virtue should not be left with a breathing-space, 
but that amid a promiscuous crowd every vilest 
profligate might venture in the dark the act for 
which he had lusted in the light." 

XXI. It was this very prospect of licence which 
attracted the majority ; and yet their pretexts were 
decently phrased : — " Even our ancestors had not 

2 Among them was Lucan with a panegyric of Nero (Suet. 
vit. Luc. init.). 

139 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

non abhorruisse spectaculorum oblectamentis pro 
fortuna, quae turn erat, eoque a Tuscis accitos 
histriones, a Thuriis equorum certamina ; et possessa 
Achaia Asiaque ludos curatius editos, nee quem- 
quam Romae honesto loco ortum ad theatralis artes 
degeneravisse, ducentis iam annis a L. Mummii 
triumpho, qui primus id genus spectaculi in urbe 
praebuerit. Sed et consultum parsimoniae, quod 
perpetua sedes theatro locata sit potius, quam im- 
menso sumptu singulos per annos consurgeret ac 
rfestrueretur. Nee perinde magistratus rem famili- 
arem exhausturos aut populo efflagitandi Graeca 
certamina a magistratibus causam fore, cum eo 
sumptu res publica fungatur. Oratorum ac vatum 
victorias incitamentum ingeniis adlaturas ; nee 
cuiquam iudici grave auris studiis honestis et 
voluptatibus concessis impertire. Laetitiae magis 
quam lasciviae dari paucas totius quinquennii noctes. 
quibus tanta luce ignium nihil inlicitum occultari 
queat. Sane nullo insigni dehonestamento id specta- 
culum transiit. Ac ne modica quidem studia plebis 
exarsere, quia redditi quamquam scaenae pantomimi 
certaminibus sacris prohibebantur. Eloquentiae pri- 
mas nemo tulit, sed victorem esse Caesarem pro- 

1 Liv. VII. 2. 2 This tradition is not otherwise known. 

8 In 146 and 133 B.C. respectively. 4 In 1 45 B.C. 

5 The Xeronia were ranked, like the great Greek festivals, 

140 



BOOK XIV. xxi. 

been averse from amusing themselves with spectacles 
in keeping with the standard of wealth in their day ; 
and that was the reason why actors had been im- 
ported from Etruria 1 and horse-races from Thurii. 2 
Since the annexation of Achaia and Asia, 3 games had 
been exhibited in a more ambitious style ; and yet, 
at Rome, no one born in a respectable rank of life 
had condescended to the stage as a profession, though 
it was now two hundred years since the triumph of 
Lucius Mummius, 4 who first gave an exhibition of 
the kind in the capital. But, more than this, it had 
been a measure of economy when the theatre was 
housed in a permanent building instead of being 
reared and razed, year after year, at enormous 
expense. Again, the magistrates would not have 
the same drain upon their private resources, nor the 
populace the same excuse for demanding contests 
in the Greek style from the magistrates, when the 
cost was defrayed by the state. The victories of 
orators and poets would apply a spur to genius ; 
nor need it lie heavy on the conscience of any judge, 
if he had not turned a deaf ear to reputable arts and 
to legitimate pleasures. It was to gaiety, rather than 
to wantonness, that a few nights were being given 
out of five whole years — nights in which, owing to 
the blaze of illuminations, nothing illicit could be 
concealed." The display in question, it must be 
granted, passed over without any glaring scandal ; 
and there was no outbreak, even slight, of popular 
partisanship, since the pantomimic actors, though 
restored to the stage, were debarred from the sacred 
contests. 5 The first prize for eloquence was not 
awarded, but an announcement was made that the 

among the lepol dywveg (<I>v rd adXa eV aT€<f>dva> ^ovcb, according 
to the definition of Pollux, III. 153). 

14* 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

nuntiatum. Graeci amictus, quis per eos dies 
plerique incesserant, turn exoleverunt. 

XXII. Inter quae et sidus cometes effulsit, de quo 
vulgi opinio est, tamquam mutationem regnis x 
portendat. Igitur quasi iam depulso Nerone. quis- 
nam deligeretur anquirebant. Et omnium ore 
Rubellius Plautus celebratur, cui nobilitas per 
matrem ex Iulia familia. Ipse placita maiorum 
colebat, habitu severo, casta et secreta domo, 
quantoque metu oceultior, tanto plus famae adeptus. 
Auxit rumorem pari vanitate orta interpretatio 
fulguris. Nam quia discumbentis Neronis apud 
Simbruina stagna in villa, 2 cui Sublaqueum nomen 
est, ictae dapes mensaque disiecta erat, idque finibus 
Tiburtum acciderat, unde paterna Plauto origo, hunc 
ilium numine deum destinari credebant, fovebantque 
multi, quibus nova et ancipitia praecolere avida et 
plerumque fallax ambitio est. Ergo permotus his 
Nero componit ad Plautum litteras, consuleret quieti 
urbis seque prava diffamantibus subtraheret : esse 
illi per Asiam avitos agros, in quibus tuta et inturbida 
iuventa frueretur. Ita illuc cum coniuge Antistia et 
paucis familiarium concessit. 

1 regnis Bentley (from Luc. I. 529) ; regis. 

2 <in villa> Bezzenberger. 

1 He had not himself competed for the crown orationis 
carminisque Latini, but it was voluntarily resigned to him by 
those who had (honestissimus quisqve, according to Suet. 
Ner. 12). On the other hand, the citharae corona fell to him by 
a regular award of the judges. 

2 XIII. 19 n. 

3 XI. 13 n. 

4 See VI. 27 n. 

5 Antistia Pollitta, daughter of L. Antistius Vetus, whose 
fate she was to share. 

142 



BOOK XIV. xxi.-xxii. 

Caesar had proved victorious. 1 The Greek dress, 
in which a great number of spectators had figured 
during the festival, immediately went out of vogue. 

XXII. Meanwhile, a comet blazed into view — in 
the opinion of the crowd, an apparition boding change 
to monarchies. Hence, as though Nero were already 
dethroned, men began to inquire on whom the next 
choice should fall ; and the name in all mouths was 
that of Rubellius Plautus. 2 who, on the mother's 
side, drew his nobility from the Julian house. Per- 
sonally, he cherished the views of an older genera- 
tion : his bearing was austere, his domestic life being 
pure and secluded ; and the retirement which his 
fears led him to seek had only brought him an 
accession of fame. The rumours gained strength 
from the interpretation — suggested by equal credu- 
lity — which was placed upon a flash of lightning. 
Because, while Nero dined by the Simbruine lakes 3 
in the villa known as the Sublaqueum, the banquet 
had been struck and the table shivered ; and because 
the accident had occurred on the confines of Tibur, 
the town from which Plautus derived his origin on 
the father's side, 4 a belief spread that he was the 
candidate marked out by the will of deity ; and he 
found numerous supporters in the class of men who 
nurse the eager and generally delusive ambition to 
be the earliest parasites of a new and precarious 
power. Nero, therefore, perturbed by the reports, 
drew up a letter to Plautus, advising him " to consult 
the peace of the capital and extricate himself from 
the scandal-mongers : he had family estates in Asia, 
where he could enjoy his youth in safety and quiet." 
To Asia, accordingly, he retired with his wife 
Antistia 5 and a few of his intimate friends. 

M3 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Isdem diebus nimia luxus cupido infamiam et 
periculum Neroni tulit, quia fontem aquae a Q. 
Marcio x ad urbem deductae nando incesserat ; 
videbaturque potus sacros et caerimoniam loci 
corpore loto polluisse. Secutaque anceps valetudo 
iram deum adfirmavit. 

XXIII. At Corbulo post deleta Artaxata utendum 
recenti terrore ratus ad occupanda Tigranocerta, 
quibus excisis metum hostium intenderet vel, si 
pepercisset, elementiae famam adipisceretur, illuc 
pergit, non infenso exercitu, ne spem veniae auferret, 
neque tamen remissa cura, gnarus facilem mutatu 
gentem, ut segnem ad pericula, its infidam ad occa- 
siones. Barbari, pro ingenio quisque, alii preces 
offerre, quidam deserere vicos et in avia digredi ; 
ac fuere qui se speluncis et carissima secum abderent. 
Igitur dux Romanus diversis artibus, misericordia 
adversus supplices, celeritate adversus profugos. 
inmitis iis, qui latebras iasederant, ora et exitus 

1 aquae <a Q.> Marcio Jackson: aquae margio Med., 
aquae Marciae Puteolanus, edd. For the haplography compare 
for instance, IV. 61 et quae = et Q. 

1 The aqua Marcia (the modern Acqua Pia), brought to 
Rome, under commission of the senate, by Q. Marcius Rex in his 
praetorship. Eulogies of the water as the clearest, coldest and 
most wholesome in Rome — or the world— are frequent (e.g. 
Stat. Site. I. 5, 25; Plut. Cor. 1; Strab. V. 3, 13 fin.; Plin. 
H.N. XXXI. § 24, etc.). — For the tabu upon swimming in 
certain streams, Lipsius cited Plin. Ep. VIII. 8 (the reference 
is to the Clitumnus): — Pons terminm sacri profaniaue : in 
superiors parte navigare tantum, infra etiam natare concessum. 

M-1 



BOOK XIV. xxii.-x.viii. 

About the same date, Nero's passion for extrava- 
gance brought him some disrepute and danger : he 
had entered and swum in the sources of the stream 
which Quintus Marcius conveyed to Rome; 1 and it was 
considered that by bathing there he had profaned the 
sacred waters and the holiness of the site. The divine 
anger was confirmed by a grave illness which followed. 

XXIII. Meanwhile, after razing Artaxata, 2 Corbulo 
resolved to profit by the first impression of terror 
in order to seize Tigranocerta, which he could 
either destroy, and deepen the fears of the enemy, 
or spare, and earn a reputation for clemency. He 
marched on the town, 3 then, avoiding offensive 
operations, so as not to dispel the hope of an amnesty, 
but at the same time relaxing nothing of his vigilance ; 
for he knew the facile inconstancy of a race which, 
if slow to confront danger, was quick to embrace an 
opportunity of treason. The barbarians, according 
to their moods, either met him with prayers or 
abandoned their hamlets and dispersed to the wilds : 
others, again, concealed themselves, together with 
their most treasured belongings, in caverns. The 
Roman general, therefore, varied his methods : 
in the case of the suppliants, he employed pardon; 
in that of the fugitives, pursuit; to those lurking in 
covert he was merciless, firing the entrances and 

- The account of Corbulo's operations is resumed from XIII. 
41, and opens with the march on Tigranocerta, the date being 
59 or 60 a.d. (XIII. 35 n.). 

3 The distance is put at 275 miles as the crow flies : the route 
can hardly be determined from the data. That the first stage 
would be from Artaxata to the plain of Bayazid, the last 
through the pass of Bitlis to Tigranocerta, appears probable : 
whether the long and difficult march intervening was to the 
north or south of Lake V T an is a matter of conjecture, 

*45 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

specuum sarmentis virgultisque completos igni exurit. 
Atque ilium finis suos praegredientem incursavere 
Mardi. latrociniis exerciti contraque inrumpentem 
montibus defensi ; quos Corbulo inmissis Hiberis 
vastavit hostilemque audaciam externo sanguine 
ultus est. 

XXIV. Ipse exercitusque ut nullis ex proelio dam- 
nis, ita per inopiam et labores fatiscebant, carne pecu- 
dum propulsare famem adacti. Ad hoc penuria 
aquae, fervida aestas. longinqua itinera sola ducis 
patientia mitigabantur. eadem pluraque ' gregario 
milite tolerantis. 1 Ventum dehinc in locos cultos de- 
messaeque segetes, et ex duobus castellis, in quae 
confugerant Armenii, alterum impetu captum ; qui 
primam vim depulerant, obsidione coguntur. Unde 
in regionem Tauraunitium transgressus inprovisum 
periculum vitavit. Nam haud procul tentorio eius 
non ignobilis barbarus cum telo repertus ordinem 
insidiarum seque auctorem et socios per tormenta 
edidit, convictique et puniti sunt qui specie amicitiae 
dolum parabant. Nee multo post legati Tigrano- 
certa missi patere moenia adferunt. intentos popu- 
laris ad iussa : simul hospitale donum, coronam 

1 pluraque Jacob . . . tolerantis Ernesti : plura quam 
. . . toleranti. 

1 A Kurdish race with the national proclivities — (xeravaorai 
Kai Xj]arpiKol, Strab. 523 — and branches in both Persia and 
Armenia. They were far too widely diffused for their mention 
to do anything towards solving the problem of Corbulo's 
march. 

2 The legionary's diet was mainly farinaceous, the corn- 
ration — unground — being a bushel a month. For the objection 
to too much flesh, compare Caes. B.O. VII. 17. Barley — 
quadrupedurn fere cibus, Plin. H.N. XVIII. § 74, dXeKTopiSojv 
Tpo(f>-q. Ath. 214 f — was an equally unpopular alternative (Caes. 
B.G. III. 47, etc.). 

146 



BOOK XIV. xxm.-xxiv. 

exits of their dens, after rilling them with lopped 
branches and bushes. The Mardi, 1 experienced 
freebooters with a mountain-barrier to secure them 
against invasion, harassed his march along their 
frontier : Corbulo threw the Iberians into the 
country, ravaged it, and chastised the enemy's 
boldness at the price of purely foreign blood. 

XXIV. He himself and his army, though they had 
sustained no casualties in battle, were yet beginning 
to feel the strain of short rations and hardship — they 
had been reduced to keeping starvation at bay by a 
flesh-diet. 2 Added to this were a shortage of water, 
a blazing summer, and long marches ; the one 
mitigating circumstance being the patience of the 
general, who bore the same privations as the common 
soldier, and even more. In time they reached an 
agricultural district, cut down the crops, and, out of 
the two forts in which the Armenians had taken 
refuge, carried one by storm : the other beat back 
the first assault and was reduced by blockade. 
Hence he crossed into the Tauronite district, 3 where 
he escaped an unexpected danger. A barbarian 
of some note, who had been found with a weapon not 
far from Corbulo 's tent, disclosed under torture the 
whole sequence of the plot, his own responsibility 
for it, and his accomplices. There followed the 
conviction and punishment of the traitors who, under 
the cloak of friendship, were designing murder. 
Nor was it long before envoys from Tigranocerta 
brought news that the city-gates were open and 
their countrymen awaiting his orders : at the same 
time, they handed over a gold crown, presented as a 

3 Not identified with any approach to certainty. 

147 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

auream, tradebant. Accepitque cum honore, nee 
quicquam urbi detractum, quo promptius obsequium 
integri retinerent. 

XXV. At praesidium Legerda, 1 quod ferox iuven- 
tus clauserat, non sine certamine expugnatum est : 
nam et proelium pro muris ausi erant et pulsi intra 
munimenta aggeri 2 demum et inrumpentium armis 
cessere. Quae facilius proveniebant, quia Parthi 
Hyrcano bello distinebantur. Miserantque Hyrcani 
ad prineipem Romanum societatem oratum, attineri 
se Vologesen pro pignore amicitiae ostentantes. 
Eos regredientis Corbulo, ne Euphraten transgressi 
hostium custodies circumvenirentur. dato praesidio 
ad litora maris sui 3 deduxit, unde vitatis Parthorum 
finibus patrias in sedes remeavere. 

XXVI. Quin et Tiridaten per Medos extreina Ar- 
meniae intrantem, praemisso cum auxiliis Verulano 
legato atque ipse legionibus citis, abire procul ac spem 

1 Legerda Bezzenberger : legerat. 

2 aggeri Boetticher : aggeris. 

3 sui Lipsius : rubri Med., vulg. [a naive emendation of 
ui). 

1 Mera|ii rov JLv<f>pd.Tov xal toiv tov Ti'yptSos TTTjywv (Ptol. V. 
13, 18-19). 

- The mare Hyrcanum, au alternative name for the Caspian 
— the only sea which could enter the thoughts of rational men 
confronted with the problem of reaching Hyrcania from the 
upper Euphrates. The escort would consist of a nucleus of 
legionaries with a detachment of Pharasmanes' Iberians, and 
the route must have been to the north of Armenia. All else 
is uncertain, except that the traditional maris rubri, with the 
implied excursion into space, commencing at the Persian 
Gulf and ending felicitously at the south-eastern extremity 
of the Caspian, must for half a dozen cogent reasons be dis- 
missed as fantastic. 

i 4 « 



BOOK XIV. xxiv.-xxvi. 

token of welcome. He accepted it with a com- 
plimentary speech, and left the city intact, hoping 
that a population which had lost nothing would 
retain its loyalty with greater readiness. 

XXV. On the other hand, the military post of 
Legerda, 1 which had been shut against the invader 
by a body of resolute youths, was carried only with 
a struggle, as the defenders not merely risked an 
engagement outside the walls, but, when driven 
within the ramparts, yielded only to a siege-mound 
and the arms of a storming-party. These successes 
were gained with the more ease that the Parthians 
were fully occupied with the Hyrcanian war. The 
Hyrcanians, in fact, had sent to the Roman emperor, 
soliciting an alliance and pointing, as a pledge of 
friendliness, to their detention of Vologeses. On 
the return of the deputies, who by crossing the 
Euphrates might have been intercepted by the 
enemy's outposts, Corbulo assigned them a guard 
and escorted them to the shores of their own sea, 2 
from which they were able to regain their country, 
while avoiding Parthian territory. 

XXVI. 3 Moreover, as Tiridates was attempting to 
penetrate the extreme Armenian frontier by way of 
Media, he sent the legate Verulanus in advance 
with the auxiliaries, and by his own appearance with 

3 From the description, in chap. 24, of the conditions during 
the march on Tigranocerta, it is a fair inference that the town 
could not have been occupied till the autumn. In that case, 
the remnant of the year cannot accommodate the events 
crowded into the present chapter — the repulse, for instance, of 
Tiridates' incursion through Media Atropatene In the far 
east must have needed the greater part of a summer — and it 
becomes impossible to acquiesce in Mommsen's ascription of 
everything in chaps. 23-26 to 60 a.i>. 

149 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

belli amittere * subegit ; quosque nobis a versos ani- 
mis 2 cognoverat, caedibus et incendiis perpopulatus 
possessionem Armeniae usurpabat, cum advenit 
Tigranes a Nerone ad capessendum imperium 
delectus, Cappadocum ex nobilitate, regis Archelai 
nepos, 3 sed quod diu obses apud urbem fuerat, usque 
ad servilem patientiam demissus. Nee consensu 
acceptus, durante apud quosdam favore Arsacidarum. 
At plerique superbiam Parthorum perosi datum a 
Romanis regem malebant. Additum ei praesidium 
mille legionarii, tres sociorum cohortes duaeque 
equitum alae, et quo facilius novum regnum tueretur, 
pars 4 Armeniae, ut cuique finitima, Pharasmani Pole- 
monique 5 et Aristobulo atque Antiocho parere 
iussae sunt. Corbulo in Suriam abscessit, morte 
Ummidii legati vacuam ac sibi permissam. 

XXVII. Eodem anno ex inlustribus Asiae urbibus 
Laodicea tremore terrae pi'olapsa, nullo a nobis 
remedio. propriis opibus revaluit. At in Italia vetus 
oppidum Puteoli ius coloniae et cognomentum a 
Nerone apiscuntur. Veterani Tarentum et Antium 
adscripti non tamen infrequentiae locorum sub- 
venere, dilapsis pluribus in provincias, in quibus 
stipendia expleverant ; neque coniugiis suscipiendis 
neque alendis liberis sueti orbas sine posteris domos 

1 amittere] omittere Agricola. 

2 aversos animis Bekker : ab re (rege M 1 ?) ani nis. 

3 nepos] pronepos Nipperdey. 
* pars] partes Halm. 

3 Pharasmani Polemonique J. F. Gronovius : pars nipu- 
lique. 

1 And, on the father's side, of Herod the Great. 

2 The last king of Pontus. For Aristobulus and Antiochus, 
see XIII. 7. 

8 See XIII. 22. 

!5 



BOOK XIV. x.wi. -xxv 1 1. 

the legions after a forced march compelled the prince 
to retire to a distance and abandon the thought of 
war. After devastating with fire and sword the 
districts he had found hostile to ourselves, he re- 
mained master of Armenia, when Tigranes, who had 
been chosen by Nero to assume the crown, arrived 
on the scene — a member of the Cappadocian royal 
house and a great-grandson of King Arehelaus, 1 but 
by his long residence as a hostage in the capital 
reduced to a slave-like docility. Nor was his recep- 
tion unanimous, since in some quarters the popu- 
larity of the Arsacidae still persisted : the majority, 
however, revolted by Parthian arrogance, preferred 
a king assigned by Rome. He was allowed, further, 
a garrison of one thousand legionaries, three allied 
cohorts, and two squadrons of cavalry ; while, to 
make his new kingdom more easily tenable, any 
district of Armenia adjoining the frontier of Pharas- 
manes or Polemo, 2 or Aristobulus or Antiochus, was 
ordered to obey that prince. Corbulo withdrew to 
Syria, deprived of its governor by the death of 
Ummidius, and since then left to its own devices. 3 

XXVII. In the same year, Laodicea, one of the 
famous Asiatic cities, was laid in ruins by an earth- 
quake, but recovered by its own resources, without 
assistance from ourselves. In Italy, the old town of 
Puteoli acquired the rights and title of a colony 
from Nero. Veterans were drafted into Tarentum 
and Antium, but failed to arrest the depopulation 
of the districts, the majority slipping away into 
the provinces where they had completed their years 
of service ; while, as they lacked the habit of marrying 
wives and rearing families, the homes they left 
behind them were childless and without heirs. For 

151 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

relinquebant. Non enim, ut olim, universae legiones 
deducebantur cum tribunis et centurionibus et sui 
cuiusque ordinis militibus, ut consensu et caritate 
rem publicam efficerent, sed ignoti inter se, diversis 
manipulis, 1 sine rectore, sine adfectibus mutuis, 
quasi ex alio genere mortalium repente in unum 
collecti, numerus magis quam colonia. 

XXVIII. Comitia praetorum arbitrio senatus 
haberi solita, quod acriore ambitu exarserant, prin- 
ceps composuit, tris, qui supra numerum petebant, 
legioni praeficiendo. Auxitque patrum honorem 
statuendo ut, qui a privatis iudicibus ad senatum 
provocavissent, eiusdem pecuniae periculum face- 
rent, cuius si 2 qui imperatorem appellarent ; 3 nam 
antea vacuum id solutumque poena fuerat. Fine 
anni Vibius Secundus eques Romanus accusantibus 
Mauris repetundarum damnatur atque Italia exigitur, 
ne graviore poena adficeretur, Vibii Crispi fratris 
opibus enisus. 

XXIX. Caesennio 4 Paeto et Petronio Turpiliano 
consulibus gravis clades in Britannia accepta, in qua 

1 <e> manipulis Nipperdey. 2 si Halm! is. 

3 appellarent Madvig : appellavere. 

4 Caesennio Nipperdey : cesonio. 

1 There were fifteen candidates for twelve vacancies (I 
14 sq.). 

3 A third of the amount at issue in the suit. 

3 Q. Vibius Crispus, born of humble stock (Dial. 8), but 
famous as an orator and accuser, and high in favour under 
the Flavian emperors. Pecunia, potentia, ingenio inter claros 
magis quam bonos is the verdict of Tacitus at Hist. II. 10; 

152 



BOOK XIV. xxvn.-xxix. 

the days had passed when entire legions — with 
tribunes, centurions, privates in their proper cen- 
turies — were so transplanted as to create, by their 
unanimity and their comradeship, a little common- 
wealth. The settlers now were strangers among 
strangers ; men from totally distinct maniples ; 
leaderless ; mutually indifferent : suddenly, as if 
they were anything in the world except soldiers, 
massed in one place to compose an aggregate rather 
than a colony. 

XXVIII. Since the praetorian elections, regularly 
left to the discretion of the senate, had been dis- 
turbed by an unusually heated struggle for votes, 
the emperor restored calm by appointing the three 
candidates over the required number to legionary 
commands. 1 He also added to the dignity of the 
Fathers bv ruling that litigants appealing from civil 
tribunals to the senate must risk the same deposit 2 as 
those who invoked the sovereign : previously, appeal 
had been unrestricted and immune from penalty. — 
At the close of the year, the Roman knight, Vibius 
Sccundus, was condemned on a charge of extortion, 
brought by the Mauretanians, and banished from 
Italy : that he contrived to escape the infliction of a 
heavier sentence was due to the resources of his 
brother Vibius Crispus. 3 

XXIX. In the consulate of Caesennius Paetus 4 and a.v.o. 8H 
Petronius Turpilianus, 5 a grave reverse was sustained Al) " 

in Britain ; where, as I have mentioned, 8 the legate, 

Juvenal, in some admirable lines (IV. 81-93), is much more 
indulgent. 

4 For his inglorious career in the East, see XV. 6 sqq. 

6 He vacated his office about March, and succeeded Suetonius 
in Britain (chap. 39). 

• XII. 40. 

<5J 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

neque Aulus Didius l legatus, ut mernoravi, nisi parta 
retinuerat, et successor Yeranius modicis excursibus 
Siluras populatus, quin ultra bellum proferret, morte 
prohibitus est, magna, dum vixit, severitatis fama, 
supremis testamenti verbis ambitionis manifestus : 
quippe multa in Neronem adulatione addidit sub- 
iecturum ei provinciam fuisse, si biennio proximo 
vixisset. Sed turn Paulinus Suetonius obtinebat 
Britannos, scientia militiae et rumore populi, qui 
neminem sine aemulo sinit, Corbulonis concertator. 
receptaeque Armeniae decus aequare domitis per- 
duellibus cupiens. Igitur Monain insulam, incolis 
validam et receptaculum perfugarum, adgredi parat, 
navesque fabricatur piano alveo adversus breve et 
incertum. 2 Sic pedes ; equites vado 3 secuti aut 
altiores inter undas adnantes equis tramisere. 

XXX. Stabat pro litore diversa acies, densa armis 
virisque, intercursantibus feminis ; in modum Furi- 
arum veste ferali, crinibus deiectis faces praefere- 
bant ; Druidaeque circum, preces diras sublatis ad 
caelum manibus fundentes, novitate aspectus percu- 

1 Aulus Didius Jackson : havitus Med., A. Didius Lipsius, 
Didius Nipperdey. But havitus is clearly a corruption of the 
praenomen written in full. 

2 incertum <f return > F. Pauly. 

3 vado Med. 1 : vados Med., vada J. F. Gronovius, vulg. 



1 II. 56, 74; III. 10-19; XII. 5.— He died within a year 
(Agr. 14) of his arrival in Britain (58 a.d.i, and Suetonius had 
thus been in command for two full years before his attack on 
Anglesey. 

2 A score of years previously, he had quelled a Mauretanian 
rising and penetrated a few miles beyond the Atlas range 
(Plin. H.N. V. 1, 14). Later, he commanded for Otho against 
the Vitellians, but was hardly equal to the occasion — cunctator 

154 



BOOK XIV. xxix.-xxx. 

Aulu^ Didius, had done nothing but retain the ground 
already won, while his successor Veranius,* after 
harrying the Silurians in a few raids of no great 
significance, was prevented by death from carrying 
his arms further. Famous, during life, for uncom- 
promising independence, in the closing words of his 
testament he revealed the courtier ; for amid a mass 
of flattery to Nero he added that, could he have lived 
for the next two years, he would have laid the 
province at his feet. For the present, however, 
Britain was in the charge of Suetonius Paulinus, in 
military skill 2 and in popular report — which allows no 
man to lack his rival — a formidable competitor to 
Corbulo, and anxious to equal the laurels of the 
recovery of Armenia by crushing a national enemy. 
He prepared accordingly to attack the island of 
Mona, 3 which had a considerable population of its 
own. while serving as a haven for refugees ; and, in 
view of the shallow and variable channel, constructed 
a flotilla of boats with flat bottoms. By this method 
the infantry crossed; the cavalry, who followed, 
did so by fording or, in deeper water, by swimming 
at the side of their horses. 

XXX. On the beach stood the adverse array, a 
serried mass of arms and men, with women flitting 
between the ranks. In the style of Furies, in robes 
of deathly black and with dishevelled hair, they 
brandished their torches ; while a circle of Druids, 
lifting their hands to heaven and showering impreca- 
tions, struck the troops with such an awe at the 

v/ttura et cut cauta potius consilia cum ratione quam prospera 
tx casu placerent (Hist. II. 25). 
3 Anglesey — Paulinus' headquarters must have been at 

Chester {Devu). 

155 

VOL. (V. F 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

lere militem. ut quasi haerentibus membris inmobile 
corpus vulneribus praeberent. Dein cohortationibus 
ducis et se ipsi stimulant es, ne muliebre et fanaticum 
agmen pavescerent, inferunt signa sternuntque 
obvios et igni suo involvunt. Praesidium posthac 
inpositum victis excisique luci saevis superstitionibus 
sacri : nam cruore captivo adolere aras et hominum 
fibris consulere deos fas habebant. Haec agenti 
Suetonio repentina defectio provinciae nuntiatur. 

XXXI. Rex Icenorum Prasutagus, longa opulentia 
clarus, Caesarem heredem duasque filias scripserat, 
tali obsequio ratus regnumque et domum suam 
prooul iniuria fore. Quod contra vertit, adeo ut 
regnum per centuriones, domus per servos velut 
capta vastarentur. lam primum uxor eius Bou- 
dicca l verberibus adfecta et filiae stupro violatae 
sunt : praecipui quique Icenorum, 2 avitis bonis 
exuuntur, et propinqui regis inter mancipia habe- 
bantur. Qua contumelia et metu graviorum, quando 
in formam provinciae cesserant, rapiunt arma, com- 
motis ad rebellationem Trinobantibus et qui alii 
nondum servitio fracti resumere libertatem occultis 
coniurationibus pepigerant. acerrimo in veteranos 
odio. Quippe in coloniam Camulodunum recens 

1 Boudicca Haase (and Med. in chap. 37) : boodicia. 

2 Icenorum Haase : Icenorum quasi cunctam regionem 
niuneriaccepissent Med. — See below. 

1 The subdued part of the island. 2 XII. 31 n. 

3 Since Haase the accepted orthography, though preserved 
by the Mediceus only in chap. 37. The familiar " Boadicea " 
of the Bipontine and Cowper has no warranty. 

4 In Suffolk and Essex, their capital being Colchester 
(Camulodunum), the old identification with Maldon being now 
abandoned. 

156 



BOOK XIV. xxx.-xxxi. 

extraordinary spectacle that, as though their limbs 
were paralysed, they exposed their bodies to wounds 
without an attempt at movement. Then, reassured 
by their general, and inciting each other never to 
tlinch before a band of females and fanatics, they 
charged behind the standards, cut down all who met 
them, and enveloped the enemy in his own flames. 
The next step was to install a garrison among the 
conquered population, and to demolish the groves 
consecrated to their savage cults : for they con- 
sidered it a pious duty to slake the altars with captive 
blood and to consult their deities by means of human 
entrails. — While he was thus occupied, the sudden 
revolt of the province x was announced to Suetonius. 
XXXI. The Icenian 2 king Prasutagus, celebrated 
for his long prosperity, had named the emperor his 
heir, together with his two daughters ; an act of 
deference which he thought would place his kingdom 
and household bevond the risk of injury. The 
result was contrary — so much so that his kingdom 
was pillaged by centurions, his household by slaves ; 
as though they had been prizes of war. As a 
beginning, his wife Boudicca 3 was subjected to the 
lash and his daughters violated : all the chief men of 
the Icenians were stripped of their family estates, 
and the relatives of the king were treated as slaves. 
Impelled by this outrage and the dread of worse to 
come — for they had now been reduced to the status 
of a province — they flew to arms, and incited to 
rebellion the Trinobantes 4 and others, who, not yet 
broken by servitude, had entered into a secret and 
treasonable compact to resume their independence. 
The bitterest animosity was felt against the veterans : 
who, fresh from their settlement in the colony of 

157 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

deducti quasi cunctam regionem munert aecepissent} 
pellebant domibus, exturbabant agris, captivos, servos 
appellando, foventibus inpotentiam veteranorum 
militibus similitudine vitae et spe eiusdem licentiae. 
Ad hoc templum divo Claudio constitutum quasi arx 
aeternae dominationis aspiciebatur, delectique sacer- 
dotes specie religionis omnis fortunas effundebant. 
Nee arduum videbatur excindere coloniam nullis 
munimentis saeptam ; quod ducibus nostris parum 
provisum erat, dum amoenitati prius quam usui 
consulitur. 

XXXII. Inter quae nulla palam causa delapsum 
Camuloduni simulacrum Victoriae ac retro conver- 
sum, quasi cederet hostibus. Et feminae in furorem 
turbatae adesse exitium canebant, externosque 2 
fremitus in curia eorum auditos ; consonuisse ululati- 
bus theatrum visamque speciem in aestuario Tamesae 
subversae coloniae : iam Oceanus cruento aspectu, 
dilabente aestu humanorum corporum effigies relictae, 
ut Britannis ad spem, ita veteranis ad metum trahe- 
bantur. Sed quia procul Suetonius aberat, petivere 
a Cato Deciano procuratore auxilium. Ille haud 
amplius quam ducentos sine iustis armis misit ; et 
inerat modica militum manus. Tutela templi freti. 

1 <quasi . . . accepissent> Haase. — See above. 

2 externosque] noctumosque Andrestn (cl. Ov. Met. XV. 
797). Bnt see D. Cass. LXIII. 1 dpovs mktos fiapfiapiKos- 

1 In his lifetime (Sen. Apocol. 8). 

2 The title of the colony was Victrix — colonia victricensis 
(C.l.L. XIV. 3955). 

153 



BOOK XIV. xxxi.-xxxh. 

Camulodunum, were acting as though they had 
received a free gift of the entire country, driving the 
natives from their homes, ejecting them from their 
lands, — they styled them " captives " and " slaves," 
— and abetted in their fury by the troops, with their 
similar mode of life and their hopes of equal indul- 
gence. More than this, the temple raised to the 
deified Claudius i continually met the view, like the 
citadel of an eternal tyranny; while the priests, 
chosen for its service, were bound under the pretext 
of religion to pour out their fortunes like water. 
Nor did there seem any great difficulty in the demoli- 
tion of a colony unprotected by fortifications — a 
point too little regarded by our commanders, whose 
thoughts had run more on the agreeable than on the 
useful. 

XXXII. Meanwhile, for no apparent reason, the 
statue of Victory 2 at Camulodunum fell, with its 
back turned as if in retreat from the enemy. Women, 
converted into maniacs by excitement, cried that 
destruction was at hand and that alien cries had been 
heard in the invaders' senate-house : the theatre 
had rung with shrieks, and in the estuary of the 
Thames had been seen a vision of the ruined colony. 
Again, that the Ocean had appeared blood-red and 
that the ebbing tide had left behind it what looked to 
be human corpses, were indications read by the 
Britons with hope and by the veterans with corre- 
sponding alarm. However, as Suetonius was far 
away, they applied for help to the procurator Catus 
Decianus. He sent not more than two hundred 
men, without their proper weapons : in addition, 
there was a small bodv of troops in the town. Rely- 
ing on the protection of the temple, and hampered 

*59 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

et impedientibus qui occulti rebellionis conscii 1 
consilia turbabant, neque fossam aut vallum prae- 
duxerunt, neque motis senibus et feminis iuventus 
sola restitit : quasi media pace incauti multitudine 
barbarorum eircumveniuntur. Et cetera quidem 
impetu direpta aut incensa sunt : templum, in quo 
se miles conglobaverat, biduo obsessum expugna- 
tumque. Et victor Britannus Petilio Ceriali, legato 
legionis nonae, in subsidium adventanti obvius fudit 
legionem, et quod peditum interfecit : Cerialis cum 
equitibus evasit in castra et munimentis defensus est. 
Qua clade et odiis provinciae, quam avaritia eius 2 ia 
bellum egerat, trepidus procurator Catus in Galliam 
transiit. 

XXXIII. At Suetonius mira constantia medios 
inter host is Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem 

1 [conscii] Ernesti (cf. VI. 36). 

2 avaritia eius Bitter : avaritiae. 



1 A near relative and trusted lieutenant of Vespasian (Hist. 

III. 59, etc.); suppressed Civilis' rising (Hist. IV. 68 sqq.); 
active and successful as legatus of Britain in 71-74 a.d. (Agr. 
8, 17) It is in his mouth that Tacitus puts the most famous 
of his speeches — the apologia for Roman dominion of Hist. 

IV. 73 sq. 

2 The legion (nona Hispana) was probably stationed at 
Lincoln (Litulum), and Cerialis— contemnendis quam cavendis 
hostibus melior (Hist. IV. 71) — marched at once by the Ermine 
Street for Colchester. Where the Britons encountered him is 
uncertain : Worruingford, near Colchester, comes into con- 
sideration. 

3 He had revoked and was reclaiming the grants made by 
Claudius to the leading tribesmen and formally confirmed by 
the Senate (D. Cass. LXII. 2 init., LX. 23 fin.). 

4 The starting point was doubtless Chester. The objective, 
it is presumed, was Colchester; the road followed, the Watling 

160 



BOOK XIV. xxxii. -xxxiii. 

also by covert adherents of the rebellion who inter- 
f ered__wjt h t heir~ plan s , "tEey^neitrier secured their 
position by fosse or rampart nor took steps, by 
removing the women and the aged, to leave only 
able-bodied men in the place. They were as care- 
lessly guarded as if the world was at peace, when 
they were enveloped by a great barbarian host. 
All else was pillaged or fired in the first onrush : 
only the temple, in which the troops had massed 
themselves, stood a two days' siege, and was then 
carried by storm. Turning to meet Petilius Cerialis, 1 
commander of the ninth legion, who was arriving to 
the rescue, 2 the victorious Britons routed the legion 
and slaughtered the infantry to a man : Cerialis with 
the cavalry escaped to the camp, and found shelter 
behind its fortifications. Unnerved by the disaster 
and the hatred of the province which his rapacity 
had goaded into war, 3 the procurator Catus crossed 
to Gaul. 

XXXIII. Suetonius, on the other hand, with 
remarkable firmness, marched straight through the 
midst of the enemy upon London ; 4 which, though 

Street, which led through London. The probable course of 
events seems to have been roughly this :— -Suetonius hurried 
ahead with his light troops, while the fourteenth legion and 
part of the twentieth followed by forced marches : the second 
had been summoned to join him, probably at Wroxeter 
( Viroconium), but its commander Poenius Postumus refused 
to leave his own front defenceless against the Silures of S. 
Wales. At London, the situation was found to be desperate, 
with the rebels in overwhelming force and the ninth legion 
virtually exterminated. Suetonius, therefore, fell back along 
the Watling Street until he met the legionaries, was forced 
to an engagement " somewhere in the Midlands," and 
only survived through being allowed to choose his own 
ground. 

161 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

coloniae non insigne, sed copia negotiatorum et 
commeatuum maxime celebre. lbi ambiguus, an 
illam sedem bello deligeret, circumspecta infre- 
quentia militis, satisque magnis documentis temeri- 
tatem Petilii coercitam, unius oppidi damno servare 
universa statuit. Neque fletu et lacrimis auxilium 
eius orantium flexus est, quin daret profectionis 
signum et comitantis in partem agminis acciperet : 
si quos inbellis sexus aut fessa aetas vel loci dulcedo 
attinuerat, ab hoste oppressi sunt. Eadem clades 
municipio Verulamio fuit, quia barbari omissis 
castellis praesidiisque militarium, 1 quod uberrimum 
spolianti et defendentibus intutum, laeti praeda et 
laborum segnes petebant. Ad septuaginta milia 
civium et soeiorum iis quae memoravi loeis cecidisse 
eonstitit. Neque enim capere aut venundare aliudve 
quod belli commercium, sed caedes patibula ignes 
cruees, tamquam reddituri supplicium at 2 praerepta 
interim ultione. festinabant. 

XXXIY. lam Suetonio quarta decuma legio cum 
vexillariis vicensimanis et e proximis auxiliares. 
decern ferme milia armatorum erant, cum omittere 
cunctationem et congredi acie parat. Deligitque 
locum artis faucibus et a tergo silva clausum, satis 

1 militarium] militaribus Pichtna, militare horreum Madvig. 

2 at Med.? : ac vulg. 

1 Adjoining St. Albans. 

2 The estimate is probably valueless. 

3 There are atrocious details, whatever their worth, in Dio 
(LXIL 7 fin.). 

162 



BOOK XIV. xxxiii.-xxxiv. 

not distinguished by the title of colony, was none the 
less a busy centre, chiefly through its crowd of 
merchants and stores. Once there, he felt some 
doubt whether to choose it as a base of operations ; 
but, on considering the fewness of his troops and the 
sufficiently severe lesson which had been read to the 
rashness of Petilius, he determined to save the coun- 
try as a whole at the cost of one town. The laments 
and tears of the inhabitants, as they implored his 
protection, found him inflexible : he gave the signal 
for departure, and embodied in the column those 
capable of accompanying the march : all who had 
been detained by the disabilities of sex, by the 
lassitude of age, or by local attachment, fell into the 
hands of the enemy. A similar catastrophe was 
reserved for the municipality of Verulamium ; l as 
the natives, with their delight in plunder and their 
distaste for exertion, left the forts and garrison-posts 
on one side, and made for the point which offered the 
richest material for the pillager and was unsafe for 
a defending force. It is established that close upon 
seventy thousand 2 Roman citizens and allies fell 
in the places mentioned. For the enemy neither 
took captive nor sold into captivity ; there was none 
of the other commerce of war ; he was hasty with 
slaughter and the gibbet, with arson and the cross, 3 
as though his day of reckoning must come, but only 
after he had snatched his revenge in the interval. 

XXXIV. Suetonius had already the fourteenth 
legion, with a detachment of the twentieth and 
auxiliaries from the nearest stations, altogether 
some ten thousand armed men, when he prepared 
to abandon delay and contest a pitched battle. He 
chose a position approached by a narrow defile and 

163 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

cognito nihil hostium nisi in fronte et apertam 
planitiem esse, sine metu insidiarum. Igitur legion- 
arius frequens ordinibus, levis circum armatura, 
conglobatus pro cornibus eques adstitit. At Britan- 
norum copiae passim per catervas et turmas exsulta- 
bant, quanta non alias multitudo, et animo adeo 
feroci, 1 ut eoniuges quoque testis victoriae secum 
traherent plaustrisque inponerent. quae super extre- 
mum ambitum campi posuerant. 

XXXV. Boudicca curru filias prae se vehens. ut 
quamque nationem aceesserat, solitum quidem Britan- 
nis feminarum ductu bellare testabatur, sed tunc non 
ut tantis maioribus ortam regnum et opes, verum ut 
unam e vulgo libertatem amissam, confectum verberi- 
bus corpus, contrectatam filiarum pudicitiam ulcisci. 
Eo provectas Romanorum cupidines, ut non corpora, 
ne senectam quidem aut virginitatem inpollutam 
relinquant. Adesse tamen deos iustae vindictae : 
cecidisse legionem, quae proelium ausa sit ; ceteros 
castris occultari aut fugam circumspicere. Ne 
strepitum quidem et clamorem tot milium, nedum 
impetus et manus perlaturos : si copias armatorum. 
si causas belli secum expenderent, vincendurn ilia 
acie vel cadendum esse. Id mulieri destinatum : 
viverent viri et servirent. 

1 feroci Doed-erlein : fero. 
T64 



BOOK XIV. xxxiv.-xxxv. 

secured in the rear by a wood, first satisfying him- 
self that there was no trace of an enemy except in 
his front, and that the plain there was devoid of cover 
and allowed no suspicion of an ambuscade. The 
legionaries were posted in serried ranks, the light- 
armed troops on either side, and the cavalry massed 
on the extreme wings. The British forces, on the 
other hand, disposed in bands of foot and horse were 
moving jubilantly in every direction. They were in 
unprecedented numbers, and confidence ran so high 
that thev brought even their wives to witness the 
victory and installed them in waggons, which they had 
stationed just over the extreme fringe of the plain. 

XXXV. Boudicca, mounted in a chariot with her 
daughters before her, rode up to clan after clan and 
delivered her protest: — "It was customary, she 
knew, with Britons to fight under female captaincy ; 
but now she was avenging, not, as a queen of glorious 
ancestry, her ravished realm and power, but, as a 
woman of the people, her liberty lost, her body 
tortured by the lash, the tarnished honour of her 
daughters. Roman cupidity had progressed so far 
that not their very persons, not age itself, nor maiden- 
hood, were left unpolluted. Yet Heaven was on 
the side of their just revenge: one legion, which 
ventured battle, had perished ; the rest were 
skulking in their camps, or looking around them for 
a way of escape. They would never face even the 
din and roar of those many thousands, far less their 
onslaught and their swords! — If they considered 
in their own hearts the forces under arms and the 
motives of the war, on that field they must conquer 
or fall. Such was the settled purpose of a woman — 
the men might live and be slaves ! " 

*65 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XXXVI. Ne Suetonius quidem in tanto diserimine 
silebat. Quamquam confideret virtuti, tamen exhorta- 
tiones et preces miscebat, ut spernerent sonores 
barbarorum et inanes minas : plus illic feminarum 
quam iuventutis aspici. Inbellis inermis cessuros 
statim, ubi ferrum virtutemque vincentium totiens 
fiisi adgnovissent. Etiam in multis legionibus 
paucos, qui proelia profligarent : gloriaeque eorum 
accessurum, quod modiea manus universi exercitus 
famam adipiscerentur. Conferti tantum et pilis 
emissis, post umbonibus et gladiis stragem eae- 
demque continuarent, praedae inmemores : parta 
victoria cuneta ipsis cessura. Is ardor verba ducis 
sequebatur, ita se ad intorquenda pila expe- 
dierat vetus miles et multa proeliorum experi- 
entia. ut certus eventus Suetonius daret pugnr.e 
signum. 

XXXYII Ac primum legio gradu inmota et an- 
gustias loci pro munimento retinens, po^tquam in pro- 
pius suggressos 1 hostis certo iactu tela exhauserat, 
velut cuneo erupit. Idem auxiliarium impetus ; et 
eques protentis hastis perfringit quod obvium et 
validum erat. Ceteri terga praebuere, difficili effugio, 
quia circumiecta vehicula saepserant abitus. Et 

1 <in> propius suggressos Doedertein : propius suggresailB. 
1 66 



BOOK XIV. xxxvi.-xxxvii. 

XXXVI. Even Suetonius, in this critical moment, 
broke silence. In spite of his reliance on the courage 
of the men, he still blended exhortation and entreaty : 
" They must treat with contempt the noise and 
empty menaces of the barbarians : in the ranks 
opposite, more women than soldiers met the eye. 
Unwarlike and unarmed, they would break imme- 
diately, when, taught by so many defeats, they 
recognized once more the steel and the valour of 
their conquerors. Even in a number of legions, it was 
but a few men who decided the fate of battles ; and 
it would be an additional glory that they, a handful 
of troops, were gathering the laurels of an entire 
army. Only, keeping their order close, and, when 
their javelins were discharged, employing shield-boss 
and sword, let them steadily pile up the dead and 
forget the thought of plunder : once the victory was 
gained, all would be their own." Such was the 
ardour following the general's words — with such 
alacrity had his veteran troops, with their long 
experience of battle, prepared themselves in a 
moment to hurl the pilum — that Suetonius, without 
a doubt of the issue, gave the signal to engage. 

XXXVII. At first, the legionaries stood motion- 
less, keeping to the defile as a natural protection: 
then, when the closer advance of the enemy had 
enabled them to exhaust their missiles with certitude 
of aim, they dashed forward in a wedge-like forma- 
tion. The auxiliaries charged in the same style ; 
and the cavalry, with lances extended, broke a way 
through any parties of resolute men whom they 
encountered. The remainder took to flight, though 
escape was difficult, as the cordon of waggons had 
blocked the outlets. The troops gave no quarter 

167 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

miles ne mulierum quidem neci temperabat. eonfixa- 
que telis etiam iumenta corporum cumulum auxerant. 
Clara et antiquis victoriis par ea die laus parta : 
quippe sunt qui paulo minus quam octoginta milia 
Britannorum cecidisse tradant, militum quadrin- 
gentis ferme interfectis nee multo amplius vulneratis 
Boudicca vitam veneno finivit. Et Poenius Postu- 
mus, praefectus castrorum secundae legionis, cognitis 
quartadecumanorum vieensimanorumque prosperis 
rebus, quia pari gloria legionem suam fraudaverat 
abnueratque contra ritum militiae iussa ducis, se 
ipse 1 gladio transegit. 

XXXVIII. Contractus deinde omnis exercitus sub 
pellibus habitus est ad reliqua belli perpetranda. 
Auxitque copias Caesar missis ex Germania duobus 
legionariorum milibus, octo auxiliarium cohortibus ac: 
mille equitibus, quorum adventu nonani legionario 
milite suppleti sunt. Cohortes alaeque novis hiber- 
naeulis locatae, quodque nationum ambiguum aut ad- 
versum fiierat, igni atque ferro vastatum. 2 Sed nihil 
aeque quam fames adfligebat serendis frugibus in- 
curiosos, et omni aetate ad bellum versa, dum nostros 
commeatus sibi destinant . . . 3 gentesque praeferoces 
tardius ad pacem inclinabant. quia Iulius Classicianus. 
successor Cato missus et Suetonio discors, bonum 

1 ipse A. Ruperti : ipsum. 

2 vastatum Ern-esti : vastatur. 

3 . . . Nipperdey. 

1 The figures for both sides are equally incredible. 



BOOK XIV. xxxvii.-xxxviii. 

even to the women : the baggage animals themselves 
had been speared and added to the pile of bodies. 
The glory won in the course of the day was remark- 
able, and equal to that of our older victories : for, by 
some accounts, little less than eighty thousand 
Britons fell, at a cost of some four hundred Romans 
killed x and a not much greater number of wounded. 
Boudicca ended her days by poison ; while Poenius 
Postumus, camp-prefect of the second legion, 
informed of the exploits of the men of the fourteenth 
and twentieth, and conscious that he had cheated 
his own corps of a share in the honours and had 
violated the rules of the service by ignoring the 
orders of his commander, ran his sword through his 
body. 

XXXVIII. The whole army was now concentrated 
and kept under canvas, with a view to finishing what 
was left of the campaign. Its strength was increased 
by the Caesar, who sent over from Germany two 
thousand legionaries, eight cohorts of auxiliaries, 
and a thousand cavalry. Their advent allowed the 
gaps in the ninth legion to be filled with regular 
troops ; the allied foot and horse were stationed in 
new winter quarters ; and the tribes which had 
shown themselves dubious or disaffected were 
harried with fire and sword. Nothing, however, 
pressed so hard as famine on an enemy who, careless 
about the sowing of his crops, had diverted all ages 
of the > population to military purposes, while marking 
out our supplies for his own property. -(Still, hatred 
of Rome was persistent) ; and the fierce-tempered 
clans inclined the more slowly to peace because 
Julius Classicianus, who had been sent in succession 
to Catus and was not on good terms with Suetonius, 

i6a 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

publicum privatis simultatibus impediebat disperse- 
ratque novum legatum opperiendum esse, sine 
hostili ira et superbia victoris clementer deditis 
eonsulturum. Simul in urbem mandabat, nullum 
proeliorum finem exspectarent, nisi succederetur 
Suetonio, cuius adversa pravitati ipsius, prospera ad 
fortunam referebat. 

XXXIX. Igitur ad spectandum Britanniae statum 
missus est e libertis Polyclitus, magna Neronis spe 
posse auctoritate eius non modo inter legatum pro- 
curatoremque concordiam gigni, sed et rebellis 
barbarum animos pace conponi. Nee defuit Poly- 
clitus, quo minus ingenti agmine Italiae Galliaeque 
gravis, postquam Oceanum transmiserat, militibus 
quoque nostris terribilis incederet. Sed hostibus 
inrisui fuit, apud quos flagrante etiam turn libertate 
nondum cognita libertinorum potentia erat ; mira- 
banturque, quod dux et exercitus tanti belli confector 
servitiis oboedirent. Cuncta tamen ad imperatorem 
in mollius relata ; detentusque rebus gerundis 
Suetonius, quod postea l paucas naves in litore 
remigiumque in iis amiserat, tamquam durante bello 
tradere exercitum Petronio Turpiliano, qui iam 
consulatu abierat, iubetur. Is non inritato hoste 
1 postea Halm : post. 



1 See Hist. I. 37 ; II. 95. 

170 



BOOK XIV. xxxvm.-xxxix. 

was hampering the public welfare by his private 
animosities, and had circulated a report that it 
would be well to wait for a new legate ; who, lacking 
the bitterness of an enemy and the arrogance of a 
conqueror, would show consideration to those who 
surrendered. At the same time, he reported to 
Home that no cessation of fighting need be expected 
until the supersession of Suetonius, the failures of 
whom he referred to his own perversity, his successes 
to the kindness of fortune. 

XXXIX. Accordingly Polvclitus, 1 one of the freed- 
men, was sent to inspect the state of Britain, Nero 
cherishing high hopes that, through his influence, not 
only might a reconciliation be effected between the 
legate and the procurator, but the rebellious temper 
of the natives be brought to acquiesce in peace. 
Polyclitus, in fact, whose immense train had been 
an incubus to Italy and Gaul, did not fail, when once 
he had crossed the seas, to render his march a terr or 
even tn_R.nrn«ri soldiers" Tb~th"e enemy, on the 
ottTerTiand, he was a subject of derision : with them, 
the fire of freedom was not yet quenched ; they had 
still to make acquaintance with the power of freed- 
men ; and they wondered that a general and an 
army who had accounted for such a war should obey 
a troop of slaves. None the less, everything was 
reported to the emperor in a more favourable light. 
Suetonius was retained at the head of affairs ; but, 
when later on he lost a few ships on the beach, and 
the crews with them, he was ordered, under pretence 
that the war was still in being, to transfer his army 
to Petronius Turpilianus, who by now had laid down 
his consulate. The new-comer abstained from 
provoking the enemy, was not challenged himself, 

171 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

neque lacessitus honestum pacis noraen segni otio 
imposuit. 

XL. Eodem anno Romae insignia scelera. alterum 
senatoris, servili alterum audacia. admissa sunt. 
Domitius Balbus erat praetorius. simul longa senecta, 
simul orbitate et pecunia insidiis obnoxius. Ei 
propinquus Valerius Fabianus, capessendis honoribus 
destinatus. subdidit testamentum ascitis Vinicio 
Rufino et Terentio Lentino equitibus Romanis. Illi 
Antonium Primum et Asinium Mareellum socia- 
verant. Antonius audacia promptus. Marcellus 
Asinio Pollione proavo clarus neque rnorum ^pernen- 
dus habebatur. nisi quod paupertatem praeeipuum 
malorum credebat. Igitur Fabianus tabulas soriis i 
quos memoravi et aliis minus inlustribus obsignat. 
Quod apud patres conviotum. et Fabianus Antoniu^- 
(jue cum Rufino et Terentio lege Cornelia damnantur. 
Mareellum memoria maiorum et preces Caesaris 
poenae magis quam infamiae exemere. 

XLI. Perculit is dies Pompeium quoque Aelianum 
iuvenem quaestorium, tamquam flagitiorum Fabiani 
fi-narum, eique Italia et Hispania, in qua ortus erat, 
interdictum est. Pari ignominia Valerius Ponticus 

1 soeiis Nipperdey : lis. 



1 The true reason for the supersession of Suetonius was the 
harshness of his punitive measures (Agr. 16) : the sneer at the 
conciliatory policy of Petronius seems totally unjustified. 

2 M. Antonius Primus, of Toulouse : a name writ large in the 
Histories (II. 86; III.-IV. passim). Restored to the senate — 
inter alia belli mala — in 68 a.d., he received the command of 
the seventh legion from Galba; was believed to have offered 
his services to Otho; then bent the whole of his unscrupulous 
energies to the task of seating Vespasian on the throne. 

172 



BOOK XIV. xxxix. xu. 

and conferred on this spiritless inaction the honour- 
able name of peace. 1 

XL. In the same year, two remarkable crimes, 
one due to a senator, one to the audacity of a slave, 
were perpetrated at Rome. There was an ex- 
praetor, Domitius Balbus, who, alike by his great 
age and by his childlessness and wealth, was exposed 
to conspiracy. Valerius Fabianus, a relative of his, 
who was destined for the official career, drew up a 
false will in his name, in concert with the Roman 
knights, Vinicius Rufinus and Terentius Lentinus. 
These, again, had taken Antonius Primus 2 and 
Asinius Marcellus into the confederacy. Antonius 
was a ready and daring spirit : Marcellus had the 
distinction of being the great-grandson of Asinius 
Pollio, and passed for a man of tolerable character, 
except for the fact that he regarded poverty as the 
supreme evil. Fabianus, then, sealed the document, 
attested by the accomplices I have mentioned and 
by some others of less note. The fraud was brought 
home to them in the senate, and Fabianus and 
Antonius, with Rufinus and Terentius, were sen- 
tenced under the Cornelian Law. 3 Marcellus was 
redeemed from punishment rather than from infamy 
by the memory of his ancestors and the intercession 
of the Caesar. 

XLI. The same day brought also the fall of a 
youthful ex-quaestor, Pompeius Aelianus, charged 
with complicity in the villainies of Fabianus : he was 
outlawed from Italy and also from Spain, the country 
of his origin. The same humiliation was inflicted on 
Valerius Ponticus, because, to save the accused 

3 Of Sulla (81 B.C.). It was directed against the various 
forms of fraudulence in connection with wills. 

173 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

adricitur, quod reos, ne apud praefectum urbis 
arguerentur, ad praetorem detulisset, interim specie 
legum, mox praevarieando ultionem elusurus. Addi- 
tur senatus consulto, qui talem operam emptitasset 
vendidissetve, perinde poena teneretur ac publico 
iudicio calumniae condemnatus. 

XLII. Haud multo post praefectum urbis Pedanium 
Secundum servus ipsius interfecit, seu negata 
libertate, cui pretium pepigerat, sive amore exoleti 
incensus et dominum aemulum non tolerans. Ce- 
terum cum vetere ex more familiam omnem, quae 
sub eodem tecto mansitaverat, ad supplicium agi 
oporteret, consursu plebis, quae tot innoxios pro- 
tegebat, usque ad seditionem ventum est sena- 
tusque obsessus, 1 in quo ipso erant studia nimiam 
severitatem aspernantium, pluribus nihil mutandum 
censentibus. Ex quis C. Cassius sententiae loco in 
hunc modum disseruit : 

XLIII. " Saepe numero, patres conscripti, in hoc 
ordine interfui, cum contra instituta et leges maiorum 
nova senatus decreta postularentur ; neque sum 
adversatus, non quia dubitarem, super omnibus 
negotiis melius atque rectius olim provisum et quae 
1 < obsessus > Jacob. 

1 For the office, see VI. 10 n. V/hat was the exact scope of 
the prefect's jurisdiction at this period is not clear, but evi- 
dently it was more summary than that of the praetor. 

2 That condemning Ponticus — known later as the senatus 
consultum Turpilianum, after this years' consul ordinarins. 

3 Calumniari est falsa crimina intendere, praevaricari vera 
crimina abscondere, tergiversari in universum ab accusatione 
desistere (Marcianus in Dig. XLVIII. 16). The penalty for the 
first was, in criminal cases, relegation, exile, or loss of rank, 
according to circumstances. 

4 Compare XIII. 32 and, for the republican period, Cic. 
Ad fam. IV. 12. 6 The jurist (XII. 11 n.). 

174 



BOOK XIV. xli.-xliii. 

from prosecution before the city prefect, 1 lie had 
entered the case for trial by the praetor, with the 
intention of defeating justice for the moment by a 
legal subterfuge, and in the long run by collusion. 
A clause was added to the senatorial decree, 2 pro- 
viding that any person buying or selling this form of 
connivance was to be liable to the same penalty as 
if convicted of calumny 3 in a criminal trial. 

XLII. Shortly afterwards, the city prefect, Peda- 
nius Secundus, was murdered by one of his own 
slaves ; either because he had been refused emanci- 
pation after Pedanius had agreed to the price, or 
because he had contracted a passion for a catamite, 
and declined to tolerate the rivalry of his owner. 
Be that as it may, when the whole of the domestics 
who had been resident under the same roof ought, 
in accordance with the old custom, 4 to have been led 
to execution, the rapid assembly of the populace, 
bent on protecting so many innocent lives, brought 
matters to the point of sedition, and the senate 
house was besieged. Even within its walls there was 
a party which protested against excessive harshness, 
though most members held that no change was 
advisable. Gaius Cassius, 5 one of the majority, when 
his turn to speak arrived, argued in the following 
strain : — 

XLIII. " I have frequently, Conscript Fathers, 
made one of this body, when demands were being 
presented for new senatorial decrees in contravention 
of the principles and the legislation of our fathers. 
And from me there came no opposition — not because 
I doubted t hat, whatever the issue, the provision 
made foFlt in the past was~the"beffer conceived and 
the Tnore" correct, "and llrat7~vvfreTe~revision took 

175 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

converterentur in deterius inutari, sed ne nimio 
aniore antiqui moris studium meum extollere viderer. 
Simul quidquid hoc in nobis auctoritatis est, crebris 
contradictionibus destruendum non existimabam, ut 
maneret integrum, si quando res publica consiliis 
eguisset. Quod hodie venit, 1 consulari viro domi 
suae interfecto per insidias seniles, quas nemo 
prohibuit aut prodidit quamvis nondum eoncusso 
senatus consulto, quod supplicium toti familiae mini- 
tabatur. Decernite hercule inpunitatem : ut 2 quern 
dignitas sua defendat, 2 cum praefecto urbis non 
profuerit ? 3 quern numerus servorum tueatur, 4 cum 
Pedanium Secundum quadringenti non protexerint ? 
cui familia opem ferat, quae ne in metu quidem 
pericula nostra advertit ? An, ut quidam fingere 
non erubescunt, iniurias suas ultus est interfector, 
quia de paterna pecunia transegerat aut avitum 
mancipium detrahebatur ? Pronuntiemus ultro do- 
minum lure caesum videri. 

XLIV. Libet argumenta conquirere in eo, quod 
sapientioribus deliberatum est ? Sed et si nunc 
primum statuendum haberemus, creditisne servum 
interficiendj domini animum sumpsisse, ut non vox 

1 venit] evenit 0. 

2 ut . . . defendat Med. : at . . . defendet PuteoJaniis 
{Halm, Fisher). 

3 cum . . . profuerit Puteolunus : cui . . . proluit Med. 
praefecto Andresen : praefeetus Med., praefectura Puteolanus. 

4 tueatur Nipperdey : tuebitur. 



1 See XIII. 32. 

2 The sarcasm is, of course, levelled at the motives suggested 
at the outset of chap. 42. A slave, needless to say, had neither 
rights nor wrongs. 

3 The standing formula for a verdict of justifiable homicide, 

176 



BOOK XIV. xLin.-xuv. 

place, the alteration was for the worse; but because 
I had no wish to seem to be exalting my own branch 
of study by an overstrained affection for ancient 
usage. At the same time, I considered that what 
little inflqjexicej jnay pos sess ought not t o be frittered 
away in per petual expre ssions of dissent? I pre- 
ferred it to remain intact for an hour when the state 
had need of advice. And that hour is come to-day, 
when an ex-consul has been done to death in his own 
home bv the treason of a slave — treason which none 
hindered or revealed, though as yet no attacks had 
shaken the senatorial decree 1 which threatened the 
entire household with execution. By all means 
vote impunity ! But whom^ghall his rank de fend, 
when rank has nbj availed the prefect of Rome? 
Whom shall the number of his slaves protect, when 
tour hundred could not shield Pedanius Secundus ? 
Who shall find help in his domestics, when even 
fear for themselves cannot make them note our 
dangers ? Or — as some can feign without a blush 
— did the killer avenge his personal wrongs because 
the contract touched his patrimony, or because he 
was losing a slave from his family establishment ? 2 
Let us go the full way and pronounce the owner 
justly slain ! 3 

XLIV. " Is it your pleasure to muster arguments 
upon a point which has been considered by wiser 
minds than ours ? But even if we had now for the 
first time to frame a decision, do you believe that a 
slave took the resolution of killing his master without 

and therefore, in the eyes of Cassius, a crowning absurdity in 
such a case : compare Sen. N.Q. I. 16, hunc divitem avarum 
. . . divas Augustus indiqnum vindicta iudicavit, cum a servis 
occisus esset, el tantum non pronuntiavit hire caesum videri. 

m 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

niinax excideret, nihil per temeritatem prolo- 
queretur ? Sane consilium oecultavit, telum inter 
ignaros paravit : num excubias transire. cubiculi 
fores recludere. lumen inferre. caedem patrare poter- 
at l omnibus nesciis ? Multa sceleris indicia prae- 
veniunt : servi si prodant, possumus singuli inter 
plures, tuti inter anxios, postremo si pereundum sit. 
non inulti inter nocentis agere. 2 Suspecta maio- 
ribus nostris fuerunt ingenia servorum, etiam cum 
in agris aut domibus isdem nascerentur caritatemque 
dominorum statim acciperent. Postquam vero na- 
tiones in familiis habemus, quibus diversi ritus, 
externa sacra aut nulla sunt, conluviem istam non 
nisi metu coercueris. At quidam insontes peribunt. 
Nam et ex fuso exercitu cum decumus quisque fusti 
feritur, etiam strenui sortiuntur. Habet aliquid ex 
iniquo omne magnum exemplum, quod contra 
singulos utilitate publica rependitur." 

XLV. Sententiae Cassii ut nemo unus contra ire 
ausus est, ita dissonae voces respondebant numerum 
aut aetatem aut sexum ac plurimorum indubiam 
innocentiam miserantium : praevaluit tamen pars, 
quae supplicium decernebat. Sed obtemperari non 
poterat. conglobata multitudine et saxa ac faces 
minante. Turn Caesar populum edicto increpuit 

1 <poterat> Ha! in. 

2 The sentence is obviously illogical but there is no plausible 
emendation. 



1 An allusion to the practice of decimation: see III. 21 n. 

I?8 



BOOK XIV. xi.iv. xxv. 

an ominous phrase escaping him, without one word 
uttered in rashness ? Assume, however, that he 
kept his counsel, that he procured his weapon in an 
unsuspecting household. Could he pass the watch, 
carry in his light, and perpetrate his murder without 
the knowledge of a soul? A crime has ma ny ante- 
cedent symptoms^ So long as our slaves disclose 
them, we may live solitary amid their numbers, 
secure amid their anxieties, and finally — if die we 
must — certain of our vengeance amid the guilty 
crowd. To our ancestors the temper of their slaves 
was always suspect, even when they were born on 
the same estate or under the same roof, and drew 
in affection for their owners with their earliest 
breath. But now that our households comprise 
nations — with customs th e reverse of our own, with 
fo reign cu lts or with none, you will never coerce such 
a n^dley^oTlruTn^ruty except by terror. — ' But some 
innocent lives will be lost ! ' — Even so ; for when 
every tenth man of the routed army drops beneath 
the club, 1 the lot falls on the brave as well. All 
great examples carry with them something of in- 
justice — injustice compensated, as against individual 
suffering, by the advantage of the eommunitv." 

XLV. While no one member ventured to contro- 
vert the opinion of Cassius, he was answered by a 
din of voices, expressing pity for the numbers, the 
age, or the sex of the victims, and for the undoubted 
innocence of the majority. In spite of all, the party 
advocating execution prevailed ; but the decision 
could not be complied with, as a dense crowd 
gathered and threatened to resort to stones and 
firebrands. The Caesar then reprimanded the 
populace by edict, and lined the whole length of 

179 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

atque omne iter, quo damnati ad poenam duce- 
bantur, militaribus praesidiis suepsit. Censuerat 
Cingonius Varro ut liberti quoque, qui sub eodem 
tecto fuissent. Italia deportarentur. Id a principe 
prohibitum est, ne mos antiquus, quern miserieordia 
non minuerat, per saevitiam intenderetur. 

XLVI. Damnatus isdem consulibus Tarquitius Pris- 
eus repetundarum Bithynis interrogantibus, magno 
patrum gaudio, qui aecusatum ab eo Statilium Taurum 
pro consule ipsius meminei-ant. Census per Gallias 
a Q. Volusio et Sextio Africano Trebellioque Maximo 
acti sunt, aemulis inter se per nobilitatem Volusio 
atque Africano : Trebellium dum uterque dedignatur, 
supra tulere. 

XLVII. Eo anno mortem obiit Memmius Regulus, 
auctoritate constantia fama, in quantum prae- 
umbrante imperatoris fastigio datur, clarus, adeo 
ut Nero aeger valetudine, et adulantibus cireum, qui 
tinem imperio adesse dicebant, si quid fato pateretur. 
respondent habere subsidium rem publicam. Ro- 
gantibus dehinc, in quo potissimum, addiderat in 
Memmio Regulo. Vixit tamen post haec Regulus. 
quiete defensus et quia nova generis claritudine 
neque invidiosis opibus erat. Gymnasium eo anno 
dedicatum a Nerone praebitumque oleum equiti ac 
senatui Graeca facilitate. 

1 Hist. I. 6, 37; Plut. Oalb. 14 sq. 

2 The incident was mentioned at XII. 59. 3 I. 31 n. 

4 By ignoring him as a competitor they left him free to 
rise. He failed completely, however, as governor of Britain 
in succession to Turpilianus : see Hist. I. 60; II. 65: 
Agr. 16. 6 V. 11 n. 

' Built for the Neronm, in the Campus Martius, adjoining 
the Thermae Neronianae. — The oil, of course, was applied to 
the body before taking part in an athletic contest. In Athens, 
it would have been gratuitously supplied by the yvixvaaLapxoi 
as part of their duties. 
180 



BOOK XIV. xr.v.-xi.vn. 

road, by which the condemned were being marched 
to punishment, with detachments of soldiers. Cin- 
gonius Varro x had moved that even the freedmen, 
who had been present under the same roof, should 
be deported from Italy. The measure was vetoed 
by the emperor, lest gratuitous cruelty should 
aggravate a primitive custom which mercy had 
failed to temper. 

XLVI. Under the same consulate, Tarquitius 
Priscus was found guilty of extortion, at the suit of 
the Bithynians, much to the joy of the senate, which 
remembered his accusation of Statilius Taurus, 2 his 
own proconsul. In the Gallic provinces, an assess- 
ment 3 was held by Quintus Volusius, Sextius Africa- 
nus. and Trebellius Maximus. Between Volusius 
and Africanus there subsisted a rivalry due to their 
rank : for Trebellius they entertained a common 
contempt, which enabled him to surpass them both. 4 

XLVII. The year saw the end of Memmius 
Regulus, 5 whose authority, firmness, and character 
had earned him the maximum of glory possible in 
the shadows cast by imperial greatness. So true 
was this that Nero, indisposed and surrounded by 
sycophants predicting the dissolution of the empire, 
should he go the way of fate, answered that the 
nation had a resource. To the further inquiry, 
where that resource was specially to be found, he 
subjoined: " In Memmius Regulus." Yet Regulus 
survived : he was shielded by his quietude of life ; 
he sprang from a recently ennobled family ; and his 
modest fortune aroused no envy. — In the course of 
the year, Nero consecrated a gymnasium, 6 oil being 
supplied to the equestrian and senatorial orders — a 
Greek form of liberality. 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XLYIII. P. Mario L. Afinio l consulibus Antistius 
praetor, quem in tribunatu plebis licenter egisse 
memoravi, probrosa adversus principem carmina 
factitavit vulgavitque celebri convivio. dum apud 
Ostorium Scapulam epulatur. Exim a Cossutiano 
Capitone, qui nuper senatorium ordinem precibus 
Tigellini soceri sui receperat, maiestatis delatus est. 
Turn primum revocata ea lex, credebaturque haud 
perinde exitium Antistio quam imperatori gloriam 
quaeri, ut condemnatum 2 a senatu intercessione 
tribunicia morti eximeret. 3 Et cum Ostorius nihil 
audivisse pro testimonio dixisset, adversis testibus 
creditum ; eensuitque Iunius Marullus consul de- 
signatus adimendam reo praeturam necandumque 
more maiorum. Ceteris inde adsentientibus, Paetus 
Thrasea, multo cum honore Caesaris et acerrime 
increpito Antistio, non quidquid nocens reus pati 
mereretur. id egregio sub pvincipe et nulla necessitate 
obstricto senatui statuendum disseruit : carnirlcem 
et laqueum pridem abolita, et esse poenas legibus 
constitutas. quibus sine iudicum saevitia et temporum 

1 Afinio Borghexi : asinio. 

2 condemnatum Bitter : condcmnatus. 
; ' eximeret] eximeretur G. 



1 See XIII. 28. 

2 The courageous son of the former governor of Britain 
(XII. 31). For his subsequent destruction by Antistius, 
see XVI. 14 sq. 

3 XL 6 n. 

4 The infamous favourite of Xero. The authority for the 
vicissitudes of his early days is a well informed scholium on 
Juv. I. 155. The salient facts of his public career may be 
gleaned from the rest of the Annals : for his suicide under Otho, 
and a highly coloured character-sketch, see Hist. I. 72. 

5 See I. 73 etc. The law had been abolished in name by 
Caligula (D. Cass. LIX. 4); in effect, by Claudius (LX. 3). 

182 



BOOK XIV. xlViii. 

XLVIII. In the consulate of Publius Marius and a.v.c. su 
Lucius Afinius, the praetor Antistius, whose licence A ' u ' 6 " 
of conduct in his plebeian tribuneship I have already 
mentioned, 1 composed a number of scandalous verses 
on the sovereign, and gave them to the public at 
the crowded table of Ostorius Scapula, 2 with whom 
he was dining. He was thereupon accused of treason 
by Cossutianus Capito, 3 who. by the intercession of 
his father-in-law Tigellinus, 4 had latelv recovered his 
senatorial rank. This was the first revival of the 
statute; 5 and it was believed that the object sought 
was not so much the destruction of Antistius as the 
glorification of the emperor, whose tribunician veto 
was to snatch him from death when already con- 
demned by the senate. Although Ostorius had 
stated in evidence that he had heard nothing^ihe 
witnesses on the other side were credited ; and the 
consul designate, Junius MTrnrHus, moved for the 
accused to be stripped of his praetorship and executed 
in the primitive manner. 6 The other members were 
expressing assent, when Thrasea Paetus, after a large 
encomium upon the Caesar and a most vigorous 
attack on Antistius, took up the argument : — " It did 
not follow that the full penalty which a guilty 
prisoner deserved to undergo was the one that ought 
to be decided upon, under an excellent emperor 
and by a senate not fettere7TT)y~ariy — sort~of"com- 
pulsion. The executioner and the noose were for- 
gotten things ; 7 and there were punishments estab- 
lished by various laws under which it was possible to 
inflict a sentence branding neither the judges with 

6 JV. 30 n. 

7 Garotting was, in theory, the regular method of execution 
(cf. III. 50; V. 9) : in practice, it was replaced by suicide of the 
condemned person. 

I«3 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

infamia supplicia decernerentur. Quin in insula 
publicatis bonis, quo longius sontem vitam traxisset. 
eo privatim miseriorem et publicae clementiae 
maximum exemplum futurum. 

XLIX. Libertas Thraseae servitium aliorum rupit. 
et postquam discessionem consul permiserat, pedibus 
in sententiam eius iere, paucis exceptis, in quibus 
adulatione promptissimus fuit A. Yitellius, optimum 
quemque iurgio lacessens et respondenti reticens, ut 
pavida ingenia solent. At consules perficere decre- 
tum senatus non ausi, de consensu scripsere Caesari. 
Ille inter pudorem et iram cunctatus. postremo re- 
scripsit : — Nulla iniuria provocatum Antistium gravis- 
simas in principem contumelias dixisse ; earum 
ultionem a patribus postulatam, et pro magni- 
tudine delicti poenam statui par fuisse. Ceterum se, 
qui severitatem decernentium impediturus fuerit. 
moderationem non prohibere : statuerent ut vellent. 
datam et absolvendi licentiam. His atque talibus 
recitatis et offensione manifesta, non ideo aut con- 
sules mutavere relationem aut Thrasea decessit 
sententia ceterive quae probaverant deseruere, pars, 
ne principem obiecisse invidiae viderentur. plures 

1 The future emperor. 
184 



BOOK XIV. xlviii.-xlix. 

brutality nor the age with infamy. In fact, on an 
island, with his property confiscated, the longer he 
dragged out his criminal existence, the deeper would 
be his personal misery, and he would also furnish 
a noble example of public clemency." 

XLIX. The independence of Thrasea broke through 
the servility of others, and, on the consul authorizing 
a division, he was followed in the voting by all but 
a few dissentients — the most active sycophant in 
their number being Aulus Vitellius, 1 who levelled 
his abuse at all men of decency, and. as is the wont 
of cowardly natures, lapsed into silence when the 
reply came. The consuls, however, not venturing 
to complete the senatorial decree in form, wrote to 
the emperor and stated the opinion of the meeting. 
He, after some vacillation between shame and anger, 
finally wrote back that " Antistius, unprovoked by 
any injury, had given utterance to the most intoler- 
able irisiilts u pon t he sovereign. Tor^tlTose~inSIitts 
retribution had been demanded from the Fathers ; 
and it would have been reasonable to fix a penalty 
proportioned to the gravity of the offence. Still, 
as he had proposed to check undue severity in their 
sentence, he would not interfere with their modera- 
tion ; they must decide as they pleased — they had 
been given liberty even to acquit." These observa- 
tions arid — their like, we7£ read aloud, and the 
imperial displeasure was evident. The consuls, how- 
ever, did not change the motion on that account ; 
Thrasea did not waive his proposal ; nor did the 
remaining members desert the cause they had ap- 
proved ; one section, lest it should seem to have 
placed the emperor in an invidious position ; a 
majority, because there was safety in their numbers ; 

18.S 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

numero tuti, Thrasea sueta firmitudine animi et ne 
gloria intercideret. 

L. Haud dispari crimine Fabricius Veiento con- 
flictatus est, quod multa et probrosa in pal res et 
sacerdotes composuisset iis libris, quibus nomen 
codicillorum dederat. Adiciebat Tullius Geminus 
accusator venditata ab eo munera principis et adipi- 
scendorum honorum ius. Quae causa Neroni fuit 
suscipiendi iudicii, convictumque Yeientonem Italia 
depul.it et libros exuri iussit, eonquisitos lectita- 
tosque, donee cum periculo parabantur : mox licentia 
habendi oblivionem attulit. 

LI. Sed gravescentibus in dies publicis malis 
subsidia niinuebantur, concessitque vita Burrus. 
incertum valetudine an veneno. Valetudo ex eo 
coniectabatur, quod in se tumescentibus paulatim 
f'aucibus et impedito meatu spiritum finiebat. 
Plures iussu Neronis, quasi remedium adhiberetur. 
inlitum palatum eius noxio medicamine adseverabant, 
et Burrum intellecto scelere, cum ad visendum eum 
princeps venisset, aspectum eius aversatum scisci- 
tanti hactenus respondisse : — " Ego me bene habeo." 
Civitati grande desiderium eius mansit per memoriam 
virtutis et successorum alterius segnem innocentiam. 



1 A prominent informer under Domitian (grande et c&nspi- 
cuum nostra quoque tempore monstrum, Juv. IV. 116), and a 
favourite even with Xerva (Plin. Ep. IV. 22). 

2 His libels were embodied in an imaginary will. For as 
candour, under the empire, was safest when posthumous, this 
was a favourite vehicle for attacks upon the great : cf. Luc. 
Ntgr. 30, Trpocmdels on piav cf>cui>r)v 'Ptopaicov TratSey dXTjdfj Trap' 
oXov tov filov TTpotei'Tai, TTjv ev rat? biddr/Kcus Xeywv. See the 
cases of Fulcinius Trio and Petronius (VI. 38; XVI. 19). 

1 86 



BOOK XIV. XLIX.-U. 

Thrasea, through his usual firmness of temper, and 
a desire not to let slip the credit he had earned. 

L. Fabricius Veiento 1 succumbed to the not dis- 
similar charge of composing a series of libels on the 
senate and priests in the books to which he had given 
the title of his Will. 2 The accuser, Tullius Geminus, 
also maintained that he had consistently sold the 
imperial bounty and the right to official promotion. 
This last count decided Nero to take the case into 
his own hands. He convicted Veiento, relegated 
him from Italy, and ordered his books to be burned. 
These, while they were only to be procured at a risk 
were anxiously sought and widely read : oblivion 
came when it was permissible to own them. 

LI. But, while the evils of the state were growing 
daily more serious, the resources of the state were 
dwindling, and Burrus took his leave of life ; whether 
by sickness or by poison may be doubted. Sickness 
was conjectured from the fact that he ceased to 
breathe as the result of a gradual swelling of the 
interior of the throat, and the consequent obstruction 
of the windpipe. It was more generally asserted 
that, by Nero's instructions, his palate was smeared 
with a poisonous drug, ostensibly as a remedial 
measure, and that Burrus, who had penetrated the 
crime, on receiving a visit from the emperor, averted 
his eyes from him, and answered his inquiries with 
the bare words : "/ am well." 3 He was regretted 
deeply and permanently by a country mindful of 
his virtue, and of his successors — one of them tamely 

3 Gronovius cited the anecdote related by Seneca (Ep. 24) 
of Pompey's father-in-law : — Cum teneri navem suam vidisset 
ab hostibus, ferro se transverberavii et quaerenlibus ubi impe.ralor 
esset, 'Imperator,' inqv.it, ' se bene habet.' 

187 
VOL. TV. O 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

alterius Hagrantissima flagitia. 1 Quippe Caesar duos 
praetoriis cohortibus imposuerat, Faenium Rufum 
ex vulgi favore, quia rem frumentariam sine quaestu 
tractabat, Sofonium Tigellinum, veterem inpudicitiam 
atque infamiam in eo secutus. Atque illi pro 
eognitis moribus fuere. validior Tigellinus in animo 
principis et intimis libidinibus adsumptus, prospera 
populi et militum fama Rufus, quod apud Neronem 
adversum experiebatur. 

LII. Mors Burri infregit Seneeae potentiam, quia 
nee bonis artibus idem viriurn erat altero velut duee 
amoto, et Nero ad deteriores inclinabat. Hi variis 
criminationibus Senecam adoriuntur, tamquam in- 
gentis et privatum modum evectas opes adhuc 
augeret, quodque studia civium in se verteret, 
hortorum quoque amoenitate et villarum magni- 
ficentia quasi principem supergrederetur. Obicie- 
bant etiam eloquentiae laudem uni sibi adsciscere et 
carmina crebrius factitare, postquam Neroni amor 
eoi-um venisset. Nam oblectamentis principis palam 
iniquum detrectare vim eius equos regentis, inludere 
voces, 2 quotiens caneret. Quern ad finem nihil in re 
publica clarum fore, quod non ab illo reperiri cre- 
datur? Certe finitam Neronis pueritiam et robur 

1 flagitia Orelli : flagitia . adulteria. 

2 voces] vocein Muratus. 

1 XIII. 22. 

1 88 



BOOK XIV. li.-lii. 

innocent, the other flagrantly criminal. For the 
Caesar had appointed two commanders to the 
praetorian cohorts : Faenius Rufus, commended by 
the favour of the crowd, as he superintended the 
provisioning of the capital 1 without profit to himself; 
and Sofonius Tigellinus, in whose cas e the att ractions 
were the TTce7rnousnel3S~of his past and his infamy. 
Neither belied his known habits : Tigellinus took the 
firmer hold over the mind of the prince and was made 
free of his most intimate debauches ; Rufus enjoyed 
an excellent character with the people and the troops, 
and laboured under that disadvantage in his relations 
with Nero. 

LI I. The death of Burrus shook the position of 
Seneca : fmj_notonly had the cause of decency lost 
in power by th e renio jygj_of_ojiejofjtst wo champion s, 
but Nero was inclining to -worse counsellors^ These 
brought a variety of charges to the assault on Seneca, 
" who was still augmenting that enormous wealth 
which had transcended the limits of a private fortune ; 
who was perverting the affection of his countrymen 
to himself; who even in the charm of his pleasure- 
grounds and the splendour of his villas appeared 
bent on surpassing the sovereign. The honours of 
eloquence," so the count proceeded, " he arrogated 
to himself alone ; and he was writing verse more 
frequently, now that Nero had developed an affection 
for the art. - ^For of the emperoi^_aniusements in 
gene ral he was an op enly captious critic, disparaging 
his powers when he droveTushorses and deriding his 
notes when he sang ! How long was nothing to be 
counted brilliant in Rome, unless it was believed 
the invention of Seneca ? Beyond a doubt, Nero's 
boyhood was finished, and the full vigour of youth 

189 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

iuventae adesse : exuerct magistrum, satis amplis 
doctoribus instructus maioribus suis. 

LIII. At Seneca criminantium non ignarus, proden- 
tibus iis. quibus aliqua honesti cura, et familiaritatem 
eius rnagis aspernante Caesare, tempus sermoni orat 
et aceepto ita incipit : " Quartus decumus annus est. 
Caesar, ex quo spei tuae admotus sum. octavus, ut 
imperium obtines : medio temporis tantum honorum 
atque opum in me cumulasti, ut nihil felicitati meae 
desit nisi moderatio eius. Utar magnis exemplis, 
nee meae fortunae, sed tuae. Abavus tuus Augustus 
M. Agrippae Mytilenense secretum, C. Maecenati 
urbe in ipsa velut peregrinum otium permisit ; 
quorum alter bellorum soeius. alter Romae pluribus 
laboribus iactatus ampla quidem. sed pro ingentibus 
meritis, praemia acceperant. Ego quid aliud muni- 
ficentiae tuae adhibere potui quam studia. ut sic 
dixerim, in umbra educata. et quibus claritudo venit. 
quod iuventae tuae rudim^ntis adfuisse videor, 
grande huius rei pretium. At tu gratiam inmensam, 
innumeram pecuniam circumdedisti, adeo ut plerum- 
que intra me ipse volvam : egone, equestri et 

1 De-sideravit enim (Augustus) nonnunquam . . . et M. 
Agrippae patientiam el Maecertatis tacitumitatem, cum ille ex 
levi rigoris suspicione, et quod Mnrcellus sibi anteferretur, 
Mytihnas se, relictis omnibus, contulisset (23 B.C.) ; hie secretum 
de compertn Murenae coniuratione (23 or 22 B.C.) uxori Terentiae 
(sister of Murena) prodidisset (Suet. Aug. 66). 
190 



BOOK XIV. lii.-liii. 

had arrived : let him discharge his pedagogue — 
he had a sufficiently distinguished staff of teachers 
in his own ancestors." 

LIII. Seneca was aware of his maligners : they 
were reveal ed from the quarters where there was 
cnrrip^JJttlp Te gard for hon our, and the Caesar's 
avoidance of his intimacy was becoming marked. 
He therefore asked to have a time fixed for an inter- 
view ; it was granted, and he began as follows : — 
" It is the fourteenth year. Caesar, since I was 
associated with your hopeful youth, the eighth that 
you have held the empire : in the time between, 
vou have heaped upon me so much of honour and of 
wealth th at all that is lac king to comptete_mv 
happmejgs_3JLdiscretion jn its^Tlse: — f~sHa.ll appeal 
to great precedents, ancT I shall draw them not from 
my rank but from yours. Augustus, the grandfather 
of your grandfather, conceded to Marcus Agrippa 
the privacy of Mytilene, and to Gaius Maecenas, 
within the capital itself, something tantamount 
to retirement abroad. 1 One liad^breerr the partner 
of his warsT^He" other had been harassed by more 
numerous labours at Rome, and each had received 
his reward — a magnificent reward, it is true, but 
proportioned to immense deserts. For myself, 
what incentive to your generosity have I been able 
to apply except some bookish acquirements, culti- 
vated, I might say, in the shadows of the cloister ? 
Acquirements to which fame has come because I am 
thought to have lent a helping hand in your own 
first youthful efforts — a wage that overpays the 
service ! But you have invested me with measureless 
influence, with countless riches ; so that often I put 
the question to myself: — ' Is it I, born in the station 

191 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

provincial] loco ortus, proceribus civitatis adnumeror ? 
Inter nobiles et longa decora praeferentes novitas 
mea enituit ? Ubi est animus ille modicis contentus ? 
Talis hortos exstruit et per haec suburbana incedit et 
tantis agrorum spatiis, tam lato faenore exuberat ? 
una defensio occurrit, quod muneribus tuis obniti 
non debui. 

LIV. Sed uterque mensuram inplevimus, et tu 
quantum princeps tribuere amico posset, et ego 
quantum amicus a principe accipere : cetera invidiam 
augent. Quae quidem, ut omnia mortalia, infra 
tuam magnitudinem iacet, sed mihi incumbit, mihi 
subveniendum est. Quo modo in militia aut via 
fessus adminiculum orarem, ita in hoc itinere vitae 
senex et levissimis quoque curis inpar, cum opes 
meas ultra sustinere non possim, praesidium peto. 
lube rem l per 2 procuratores tuos administrari, in 
tuam fortunam recipi. Nee me in paupertatem ipse 
detrudam, sed traditis quorum fulgore praestringor, 
quod temporis hortorum aut villarum curae seponitur, 
in animum revocabo. Superest tibi robur et tot per 
annos visum summi 3 fastigii regimen : possumus 
seniores amici quietem reposcere. 4 Hoc quoque in 
tuam gloriam cedet, eos ad summa vexisse, 5 qui et 
modica tolerarent." 

LV. Ad quae Nero sic ferme respondit : " Quod 
meditatae orationi tuae statim occurram. id primum 

1 iube rem Baiter (iube rem meam Daederlein) : mbere 
Med. 1 , iuvere 21 ed. ? 

2 per] Added by Med. 2 

3 <summi> Halm. No emewlalion is entirely satisfactory. 
* reposcere Halm : respondere. 

5 vexisse] evexisse Heinsius. 

1 The family catue from Cordova. 
192 



BOOK XIV. liii.-lv. 

of a simple knight and a provincial, 1 who am numbered 
with the magnates of the realm ? Among these 
nobles, wearing their long-descended glories, has my 
novel name swum into ken ? Where is that spirit 
which found contentment in mediocrity ? Building 
these terraced gardens ? — Pacing these suburban 
mansions? — Luxuriating in these broad acres, these 
world-wide investments ? ' — A single defence sug- 
gests itself — that I had not the right to obstruct 
your bounty. 

LIV. " But we have both rilled up the measure: 
you, of what a prince may give to his friend ; and I, 
of what a friend may take from his prince. All 
beyond breeds envy! True, envy, like evervthing 
mortal, lies far beneath your greatness : but by me 
the burden is felt — to me a relief is necessary. As I 
should pray for support in warfare, or when wearied 
by the road, so in this journey of life, an old man and 
unequal to the lightest of cares, I ask for succour: 
for I can bear my riches no further. Order my 
estates to be administered by your procurators, 
to be embodied in your fortune. Not that by my 
own action I shall reduce myself to poverty : rather, 
I shall resign the glitter of wealth which dazzles me, 
and" recall to the service of the mind those hours 
which are now set apart to the care of my gardens 
or my villas. You have vigour to spare ; vou have 
watched for years the methods by which supreme 
power is wielded: we, your older friends, may de- 
mand our rest. This, too, shall redound to your 
glory — that you raised to the highest places men who 
could also accept the lowly." 

LV. Nero's reply, in effect, was this : — " If 1 am 
able to meet your studied eloquence with an im- 

193 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

tui inuneris habeo, qui me non tantum praevisa, sed 
subita expedire docuisti. Abavus meus Augustus 
Agrippae et Maecenati usurpare otium post labores 
concessit, sed in ea ipse aetate, cuius auctoritas 
tueretur quidquid illud et qualecumque tribuisset ; 
ac tamen neutrum datis a se praemiis exuit. Bello 
et periculis meruerant ; in iis enim iuventa Augusti 
versata est. Nee mihi tela et manus tuae defuissent 
in armis agenti : sed quod praesens condicio poscebat, 
ratione consilio praeceptis pueritiam, dein iuventam 
meam fovisti. Et tua quidem erga me munera. 
dum vita suppetet, aeterna erunt : quae a me habes. 
horti et faenus et villae, casibus obnoxia sunt. Ac 
licet multa videantur, plerique haudquaquam artibus 
tuis pares plura tenuerunt. Pudet referre libertinos. 
qui ditiores spectantur. Unde etiam mihi rubori est. 
quod praecipuus caritate nondum omnis fortuna 
antecellis ; nisi forte aid ie Vitellio ier consult aut me 
Claudio postpones, et quantum Volusio longa parsi- 
monia quaesivit. tantum in te mea liberalitas explere non 
potest. 1 

LVI. Verum et tibi valida aetas rebusque et 
fructui rerum sufficiens, et nos prima imperii spatia 
ingredimur. Quin, si qua in parte lubricum adule- 

1 <nisi forte . . . non potest> Spengel, Nipperdey. In the 
Medkeus the words follow ingredimur below. Haase preferred 
to place them after tenuerunt above. 



1 XI. 2 n., etc. 2 XIII. 30 fin. 

194 



BOOK XIV. lv.-lvi. 

mediate answer, that is the first part of my debt to 
you, who have taught me how to express my thought 
not merely after premeditation but on the spur of the 
moment. Augustus, the grandfather of my grand- 
father, allowed Agrippa and Maecenas to rest after 
their labours, but had himself reached an age, the 
aut hority o f which could j ust ify whatever boon, and 
df wha tever rhq rj3jrtej%_he _had besto wed upon them". 
And even so he stripped neither of therewards 
conferred by himself. It was in battle and jeopardv 
they had earned them, for such were the scenes in 
which the youth of Augustus moved; and, had my 
own days been spent in arms, your weapons and your 
hand would not have failed me ; but you did what 
the actual case demanded, and fostered first my 
boyhood, then my youth, with reason, advice, and 
precept. And your gifts to me will be imperishable, 
so long as life may last ; but mine to you — gardens, 
capital, and villas — are vulnerable to accident. They 
may appear many ; bu t numbers of men, not com- 
parable jtoyx)uinchj£acterhav^TieTorin^r^ — Shame 
forbids me to mention the freedmen who flaunt a 
wealth greater than yours ! And hence I even blush 
that you, who have the first place in my love, do not 
as yet excel all in fortune.v,V3 r * s l ^> hy chance, the 
case that you deem either Seneca lower than 
Vitellius, 1 who held his three consulates, or Nero 
lower than Claudius, and that the wealth which 
years of parsimony won for Volusius 2 is incapable 
of being attained by my own generositv to you ? 

LVI. " On the contrary, not only is yours a vigorous 
age, adequate to affairs and to their rewards, but 
I myself am but entering the first stages of my 
sovereignty. Why not recall the uncertain steps of 

195 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

scentiae nostrae declinat, revocas ornatumque robur 
subsidio inpensius regis ? Non tua moderatio, si 
reddideris pecuniam, nee quies, si reliqueris princi- 
pem, sed mea avaritia. meae crudelitatis metus in 
ore omnium versabitur. Quod si maxime conti- 
nentia tua laudetur. non tamen sapienti viro decorum 
fuerit, unde amico infamiam paret, inde gloriam sibi 
reeipere." His adieit complexum et oscula, factus 
natura et consuetudine exercitus velare odium falla- 
cibus blanditiis. Seneca, qui finis omnium cum 
dominante sermonum, gratis agit : sed instituta 
prioris potentiae commutat, prohibet coetus salu- 
tantium. vitat comitantis. rarus per urbem, quasi 
valetudine infensa aut sapientiae studiis domi 
adtineretur. 

LVII. Perculso Seneca promptum fait Rufum Fae- 
nium inminuere Agrippinae amicitiam in eo crimi- 
nantibus. Validiorque in dies Tigellinus et malas 
artis, quibus solis pollebat. gratiores ratus, si princi- 
pem societate scelerum obstringeret. metus eius 
rimatur : conpertoque Plautum et Sullam maxime 
timeri. Plautum in Asiam, Sullam in Galliam Nar- 
bonensem nuper amotos. nobilitatem eorum et 
propinquos huic Orientis, illi Germaniae exercitus 
commemorat. Non se. ut Burrum, diversas spes, 
sed solam incolumitatem Neronis spectare ; cui 

1 A reminiscence of Sen. De ira, II. 33 (for the famous odisse 
quern laeseris of Agr. 42 is from the same source) : — Notissima 
vox eius qui in cvltu regum consenuerat : cum ilium quidam 
interrogaret quomodo rarissimam rem in aula consecutus esset, 
seneetutem, ' lniurias,' inquit, ■ accipiendo et gratias agendo.' 

196 



BOOK XIV. LVI.-LVH. 

my youth, if here and there they slip, and even 
more zealously guide and support the_ jnanhood^ 
which owes its pride to you, Not your moderation, 
if you give back your riches; not your retirement, 
if you abandon your prince ; but my avarice, and the 
terrors of my cruelty, will be upon all men's lips. 
And, however much your ^abnega tion may be praised, 
it will still be unworthy .pi! Ji sage to derive credit 
from an act wh ich s ullies the fair fame of a friend." 
He followed his words with an embrace and kisses — 
nature had fashioned him and use had trained him 
to veil his hatred under insidious caresses. Seneca — 
such is the end of all dialogues with an autocrat — 
expressed his gratitude : J but he changed the estab- 
lished routine of his former power, banished the crowds 
from his antechambers, shunned his attendants, 
and appeared in the city with a rareness ascribed 
to his detention at home by adverse health or 
philosophic studies. 

LVII. With Seneca brought low, it was a simple 
matter to undermine Faenius Rufus, the charge in 
his case being friendship with Agrippina. Tigellinus, 
too, growing stronger with every day, and convinced 
that the mischievous arts, which were his one source 
of power, would be all the more acceptable, could he 
bind the emperor to himself by a partnership in crime, 
probed his fears, and. discovering the main objects 
of his alarm to be Plautus and Sulla — both lately 
removed, the former to Asia, the latter to Narbonese 
Gaul — began to draw attention to their distinguished 
lineage and their nearness, respectively, to the armies 
of the East and of Germany. " Unlike Burrus," he 
said, " he had not in view two irreconcilable hopes, 
but purely the safety of Nero. In the capital, where 

197 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

caveri utcumque ab urbanis insidiis praesenti opera : J 
longinquos motus quonam modo comprimi posse ? 
Erectas Gallias ad nomen dictatoriuni, nee minus 
suspensos Asiae populos claritudine avi Drusi. 
Sullam inopem, unde praecipuam audaciam. et simu- 
latorem segnitiae, dum temeritati locum reperiret. 
Plautum magnis opibus ne fingere quidem cupidinem 
otii, sed veterum Romanorum imitamenta praeferre, 
adsumpta etiam Stoicorum adrogantia sectaque, 
quae turbidos et negotiorum adpetentis faeiat. 
Nee ultra mora. Sulla sexto die pervectis Massiliam 
percussoribus ante metum et rumorem interficitur, 
cum epulandi causa discumberet. Relatum 2 caput 
eius inlusit Nero tamquam praematura canitie 
de forme. 

LVIII. Plauto parari necem non perinde oecultum 
fuit, quia pluribus salus eius curabatur, et spatium 
itineris ac maris tempusque interiectum moverat 
famam ; vulgoque fingebant petitum ab eo Corbulo- 
nem, magnis turn exercitibus praesidentem et, clai'i 
atque insontes si 3 interficerentur. praecipuum ad peri- 
cula. Quin et Asiam favore iuvenis arma cepisse, nee 
milites ad scelus missos aut numero validos aut 
animo prompt os, postquam iussa efficere nequiverint, 
ad spes novas transisse. Vana haec more famae 

1 praesenti opera Lipsins : praesentiora. 

2 relatum (Fisher) : prelatum Med. (" linea per p ducta "), 
perlatum Agricola, vulg. 

3 <si> Bezzenberger. 

1 Plautus (XIII. 19 n.) was a son of Drusus' daughter 
Julia; Sulla (XII. 52 n.), a descendant of the dictator. 

- Throughout the period from Nero to Domitian, Roman 
stoicism was, on the whole, definitely hostile to the empire. 
Other prominent members of the school to perish in this reign 
were Seneca, Lucau, Barea Soranus, and Thrasea Paetus. 
1 98 



BOOK XIV. lvh.-lviii. 

he could work on the spot, the imperial security was 
more or less provided for ; but how were outbreaks 
at a distance to be stifled ? Gaul was alert at the 
sound of the Dictator's name ; and equally the peoples 
of Asia were unbalanced by the glory of such a 
grandsire as Drusus. 1 Sulla was indigent, therefore 
greatly daring, and wore the mask of lethargy only 
till he could find an occasion for temerity. Plautus, 
with his great fortune, did not even affect a desire 
for peace, but, not content to parade his mimicries 
of the ancient Romans, had taken upon himself the 
Stoic arrogance and the mantle of a sect which 
inculcated sedition and an appetite for politics." 2 
There was no further delay. On the sixth day follow 
ing, the slayers had made the crossing to Massilia, 
and Sulla, who had taken his place at the dinner- 
table, was despatched before a whisper of alarm had 
reached him. The head was carried back to Rome, 
where the premature grey hairs disfiguring it 
provoked the merriment of Nero. 

LVIII. That the murder of Plautus was being 
arranged was a secret less excellently kept ; for the 
number of persons interested in his safety was larger : 
while the length of the journey by land and sea, and 
the interval of time, had set report at work. It was 
a general story that he had made his way to Corbulo, 
then at the head of large armies, and should there be 
a killing of the famous and the innocent, especially 
exposed to danger. More than this, Asia had taken 
arms in sympathy with the youth, and the soldiers 
sent on the criminal errand, not too strong in numbers 
and not too enthusiastic at heart, after proving 
unable to carry out their orders, had passed over to 
the cause of revolution. These figments, in the 

199 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

credentium utio augebantur ; ceterurn libertus 
Plauti celeritate ventorum praevenit centurionem et 
mandata L. Antistii soceri attulit : — Effugeret segnem 
mortem, dum suff'ugium esset * : magni nominis 
miseratione reperturum bonos, consociaturum au- 
daces : nullum interim subsidium aspernandum. 
Si sexaginta milites (tot enim adveniebant) propu- 
lisset. dum refertur nuntius Neroni, dum manus alia 
permeat, multa secutura. quae adusque bellum 
evalescerent. Denique aut salutem tali eonsilio 
quaeri. aut nihil gravius audenti quam ignavo 
patiendum esse. 

LIX. Sed Plautum ea non movere sive nullam 
opem providebat inermis atque exul, seu taedio am- 
biguae spei. an amore coniugis et liberorum, quibus 
placabiliorem fore principem rebatur nulla sollicitu- 
dine turbatum. Sunt qui alios a socero nuntios venisse 
ferant, tamquarn nihil atrox immineret ; doctoresque 
sapientiae, Coeranum Graeci, Musonium Tusci 
generis, constantiam opperiendae mortis pro incerta 
et trepida vita suasisse. Repertus est certe per 
medium diei nudus exercitando corpori. Talem eum 
centurio trucidavit coram Pelagone spadone. quern 

1 dum . . . esset Andresen : otium . . . et. 



1 XIII. 11; XVI. 10. 

2 Only known otherwise from a couple of words in the elder 
Pliny's index auctorum to his second book. 

a C. Musonius R,ufus. one of the great names of Stoicism; 
born at Vulsinii in Etruria of an equestrian family; teacher of 
Epictetus while he was still a slave (Disb. I. 9, 29) ; banished to 
Gyara as privy to the Pisonian conspiracy (XV. 71 ; Philostr. 
V.A. VII. 16) : returned after the death of Nero [Hist. III. 81 ; 
IV. 10, 40); specially exempted in the banishment of philo- 



BOOK XrV. lviii.-lix. 

manner of all rumours, were amplified by indolent 
credulity ; in reality, a freedman of Plautus, with the 
help of quick winds, outstripped the centurion, and 
carried his patron instructions from his father-in-law, 
Lucius Antistius : 1 — " He was to escape a coward's 
death, while a refuge was still open. Compassion 
for his great name would win him the support of the 
-gHQpLjEhe alliance ot the boM ; in the-rrreaTftime^no 
resource should be disdained. If he repelled sixty 
soldiers " (the number arriving), " then in the 
interval — while the news was travelling back to 
Nero — while another force was moving to the scene 
— there would be a train of events which might 
develop into war. In fine, either he saved his life 
by this course or hardihood would costjiim no dearer 
than timidity." 

L1X. All this, however, left Plautus unmoved. 
Either, exiled and unarmed, he foresaw no help ; 
or he had wearied of hope and its incertitudes ; or 
possibly the cause was affection for his wife and chil- 
dren, to whom he supposed the emperor would prove 
more placable if no alarms had disturbed his equani- 
mity. There are those who state that fresh couriers 
had arrived from his father-in-law with news that 
no drastic measures were pending, while his teachers 
of philosophy — Coeranus 2 and Musonius, 3 Greek and 
Tuscan respectively by origin — had advised him to 
have the courage to await death, in preference to 
an uncertain and harassed life. At all events, 
he was found in the early afternoon, stripped for 
bodily exercise. In that condition he was cut down 
by the centurion, under the eyes of the eunuch 

sophers under Vespasian (D. Cass. LXV1. 13). Extensive 
fragments of his works survive, principally in Stobaeus. 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Nero centurioni et manipulo, quasi satellitibus 
ministrum regium. praeposuerat. Caput interfecti 
relatum ; cuius aspectu (ipsa principis verba 
referam) "Cur." inquit, " Nero . . . ? x " et posito 
metu nuptias Poppaeae ob eius modi terrores 
dilatas maturare parat Octaviamque coniugem 
amoliri, quamvis modeste ageret, nomine patris et 
studiis populi gravem. Sed ad senatum litteras 
misit de eaede Sullae Plautique haud confessus. 
verum utriusque turbidum insjenium esse, et sibi 
incolumitatem rei publicae magna cura haberi. 
Decretae eo nomine supplicationes. utque Sulla et 
Plautus senatu moverentur, gravioribus iam 2 ludi- 
briis quam malis. 

LX. Igitur accepto patrum eonsulto. postquam 
cuncta scelerum suorum pro egregiis accipi videt. 
exturbat Octaviam. sterilem dictitans ; exim Pop- 
paeae eoniungitur. Ea diu paelex et adulteri 
Neronis, mox mariti potens. quendam ex ministris 
Oetaviae impulit servilem ei amorem obicere. De- 
stinaturque reus cognomento Eucaerus, natione 
Alexandrinus. canere tibiis perdoetus. 3 ' Actae ob id 
de ancillis quaestiones. et vi tormentorum \ictis 
quibusdam, ut falsa adnuerent, plures perstitere 

1 . . . Walther. Halm supplied: — <hominem nasutum 
timuisti ?>. 

2 iam Freinsheim : tarn Med., tamen G. 

3 tibiis perdoetus Jackson : per tybias doctus Med., 
tibiis doctus G. vidg. 

1 Halm's supplement is suggested by Dio (LXII. 14) : — 
" Ovk yheiv, e<j>r}, on fieyaX-qv plva et^ev," worrep ^eiaa/xevos av 
avrov et tovto TrporjTnoTaTO. 

2 Thev bad the reputation of being nepl ai/Xovs /^ouat/ccoraroi 
(Ath. 176 F. init.). 

202 



BOOK XIV. lix.-lx. 

Pelago, placed by Nero in charge of the centurion 
and his detachment like a king's minion over his 
satellites. The head of the victim was carried back 
to Rome ; and at sight of it the prince exclaimed 
(I shall give the imperial words exactly) : — " Nero, 
<Vhy did you fear a man with such a nose ?) " 1 And 
laying aside his anxieties, he prepared to accelerate 
the marriage with Poppaea — till then postponed 
through suchlike terrors — and also to remove his 
wife Octavia ; who, unassuming as her behaviour 
might be, was intolerable asthe daughter of her father 
and the favourite of the people. Yet he sent a letter 
to the Senate, not confessing the execution of Sulla 
and Plautus, but observing that both were turbulent 
spirits and that he was watching with extreme care 
over the safety of the commonwealth. On that 
ground, a national thanksgiving was voted, together 
with the expulsion of Sulla and Plautus from the 
senate — an insulting mockery now more deadly than 
the evils inflicted on them. 

LX. On the reception, therefore, of the senatorial 
decree, since it was evident that his crimes each and 
ajl passed muster as eminent virtues, he ejected 
Octavia on the pretext of sterility, then consum- 
mated his union with Poppaea. Long the paramour 
of Nero, and dominating him first as an adulterer, 
then as a husband, she incited one of the domestics 
of Octavia to accuse her of a love affair with a slave : 
the part of defendant was assigned to a person 
named Eucaerus ; a native of Alexandria, 2 and an 
expert performer on the flute. Her waiting-maids, 
in pursuance of the scheme, were examined under 
torture ; and, although a few were forced by their 
agony into making groundless admissions, the 

203 



Till-, ANNALS OF TACITUS 

sanctitatem dominae tueri ; ex quibus una instanti 
Tigellino castiora esse muliebria Octaviae respondit 
quam os eius. Movetur tamen primo civilis discidii 
specie domumque Burri, praedia Plauti. infausta dona 
accipit : mox in Campaniam pulsa est addita militari 
custodia. Inde crebri questus nee occulti per 
vulgum, cui minor sapientia et ex mediocritate for- 
tunae pauciora pericula sunt. His . . - 1 tamquam - 
Nero paenitentia flagitii, coniugem revocarit 2 
Octaviam. 

LXI. Exim laeti Capitolium scandunt deosque 
tandem venerantur. Effigies Poppaeae proruunt, 
Octaviae imagines gestant umeris, spargunt floribus 
foroque ac templis statuunt. Itur etiam in principis 
laudes strepitu 3 venerantium. Iamque et Palatium 
multitudine et clamoribus complebant, cum emissi 
militum aiobi verberibus et intento ferro turbatos 
disiecere. Mutataque quae per seditionem verte- 
rant, et Poppaeae honos repositus est. Quae semper 
odio, turn et metu atrox, ne aut vulgi acrior vis 
ingrueret aut Nero inclinatione populi mutaretur, 
provoluta genibus eius, non eo loci res suas agi, 4 
ut de matrimonio certet, quamquam id sibi vita 
potius, sed vitam ipsam in extremum adductam a 

1 . . . Nipperdey. 

2 tamquam . . . revocarit Nipperdey : quamquam . . . 
revocavit. 

8 strepitu Aivdresen : repetitum. 
4 agi] ait Bezzenberger. 

204 



BOOK XIV. LX.-LXI. 

greater number steadfastly maintained the honour 
of their mistress, one of them retorting under pressure 
from Tigellinus that Octavia's body was chaster 
than his own mouth. She was removed, however, 
first under colour of a civil divorce, and received — ■ 
two ominous gifts — the mansion of Burrus and the 
estates of Plautus. A little later, she was banished 
to Campania and put under military supervision. 
The measure led to general and undisguised protests 
from the common people, endowed with less dis- 
cretion than their superiors, and — thanks to their 
humble station — faced by fewer perils. {Then came 
a rumour) that Nero had repented of his outrage 
and recalled Octavia to his side. 

LXI. At once exulting crowds scaled the Capitol, 
and Heaven at last found itself blessed. They 
hurled down the effigies of Poppaea, they carried 
the statues of Octavia shoulder-high, strewed them 
with flowers, upraised them in the forum and the 
temples. Even the emperor's praises were essayed 
with vociferous loyalty. Already they were filling 
the Palace itself with their numbers and their cheers, 
when bands of soldiers emerged and scattered them 
in disorder with whipcuts and levelled weapons. 
All the changes effected by the outbreak were 
rectified, and the honours of Poppaea were rein- 
stated. She herself, always cruel in her hatreds, 
and now rendered more so by her fear that either 
the violence of the multitude might break out in a 
fiercer storm or Nero follow the trend of popular 
feeling, threw herself at his knees : — " Her affairs," 
she said, " were not in a position in which she could 
fight for her marriage, though it was dearer to her 
than life : that life itself had been brought to the 

205 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

clientelis et servitiis Octaviae, quae plebis sibi 
nomen indiderint, ea in pace ausi, quae vix bello 
evenirent. Arma ilia adversus principem sumpta; 
ducem tantum defuisse, qui mot is rebus facile 
reperiretur, omitteret modo Campaniam et in urbem 
ipsa x pergeret, ad cuius nutum absentis tumultus 
cierentur. Quod alioquin suum delictum ? Quain 
cuiusquam offensionem ? An quia veram progeniem 
penatibus Caesarum datura sit ? Malic populum 
Romanum tibicinis Aegyptii subolem hnperatorio 
fastigio induci ? Denique, si id rebus conducat, 
libens quam coactus acciret dominam, vel consuleret 
securitati. Iusta ultione et modicis remediis primos 
motus consedisse : at si desperent uxorem Neronis 
fore Octaviam, illi -maritum daturos. 

LXII. Varius sermo et ad metum atque iram 
accommodatus terruit simul audientem et accendit. 
Sed parum valebat suspicio in servo et quaestionibus 
ancillarum elusa erat. Ergo confessionem aliciiius 
quaeri placet, cui rerum quoque novarum crimen 
adfingeretur. Et visus idoneus maternae necis 
patrator Anicetus, classi apud Misenum, ut memoravi, 
praefectus, levi post admissum scelus gratia, dein 

1 ipsa Boetticher : ipsam. 

1 Chap. 3. 
206 



BOOK XIV. lxi.-lxii. 

verge of destruction by those retainers and slaves of 
Octavia who had conferred on themselves the name of 
the people and dared in peace what would scarcely 
happen in war. Those arms had been lifted against 
the sovereign ; only a leader had been lacking, and, 
once the movement had begun, a leader was easily 
come by7 — trie one thing necessary was an excursion 
from Campania, a personal visit to the capital by 
her whose distant nod evoked the storm ! And 
apart from this, what was Poppaea's transgression ? 
In what had she offended anyone ? Or was the 
reason that she was on the point of giving an authen- 
tic heir to the hearth of the Caesars ? Did the 
Roman nation prefer the progeny of an Egyptian 
Mute-player to be introduced to the imperial throne ? 
— In brief, if policy so demanded, then as an act of 
grace, but_ not of co mpulsion, let him send for the 
lady wTicTowned him— or else take thought for his 
security ! A deserv ed castigation and lenient reme- 
dies had allayed^ the ""first commotion; but let the 
mob once lose hope of seeing Octavia Nero's wife 
and they would soon provide her with a husband! 

LXII. Her varied arguments, with their calculated 
appeal to fear and to anger, at once terrified and 
incensed the listener. But suspicion resting on a 
slave had little force; and it had been nullified by 
the examinations of the waiting-women. It was 
therefore decided to procure a confession from some 
perso n to^ whom there coul d also be im puted a 
false charge ojf contemplated revolution. Amcetus, 
perpetrator of the matricide, was thought suitable. 
Prefect, as I have mentioned, 1 of the squadron at 
Misenum, he had, after the commission of his 
murder, experienced some trivial favour, afterwards 

207 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

graviore odio, quia malorum facinorum ministri 
quasi exprobrantes aspiciuntur. Igitur accitum 
eum Caesar operae prioris admonet : solum incolu- 
mitati principis adversus insidiantem matrem sub- 
venisse ; locum haud minoris gratiae instare. si 
coniugem infensam depelleret. Nee manu aut telo 
opus : fateretur Octaviae adulterium. Occulta 
(juidem ad praesens, sed magna ei praemia et secessus 
amoenos promittit, vel, si negavisset, necem intentat. 
Ille insita vaecordia et facilitate priorum flagitiorum. 
plura etiam quam iussum erat fingit fateturque apud 
amicos, quos velut consilio adhibuerat princeps. 
Turn in Sardiniam pellitur, ubi non inops exilium 
toleravit et fato obiit. 

LXIII. At Nero praefectum in spem sociandae 
classis corruptum, et incusatae paulo ante sterilitatis 
oblitus, abactos partus conscientia libidinum, eaque 
sibi conperta edicto memorat insulaque Pandateria 
Octaviam claudit. Non alia exul visentium oculos 
maiore miserieordia adfecit. Meminerant adhuc 
quidam Agrippinae a Tiberio. recentior Iuliae me- 
moria obversabatur a Claudio pulsae : sed illis robur 
aetatis adfuerat ; laeta aliqua viderant et prae- 
sentem saevitiam melioris olim fortunae recordatione 

1 Selected, it is to be feared, as a notoriously unhealthy 
island (cf. IT. 85 fin.). 

2 I. 53 n. 

3 The wife of Germanicus. Book V. breaks short just before 
her banishment to Pandateria (29 a.d.). 

4 Julia Livilla, youngest child of Germanicus and Agrippina, 
born in 18 a.d. ; exiled by her brother Caligula in 37 a.d. ; 
recalled by Claudius at the outset of his reign, then, at the 
instigation of Messalina, banished again on a charge of adultery 
with Seneca, and shortly afterwards put to death (D. Cass. 
LX. 4, 8). 

5 The words are applicable only to Agrippina. 
208 



BOOK XIV. lxii.-lmii. 

replaced by a more serious dislike, since the instru- 
ments of crime are counted a visible reproach. He 
was summoned accordingly, and the Caesar reminded 
him of his earlier service : — " Singly he had ensured 
the emperor's safety in opposition to a treacherous 
mother. The opportunity for a not less grateful 
action was at hand, if he could remove a malignant 
wife. Not even force or cold steel was necessary : 
he had simply to admit adultery with Octavia." 
He promised him a reward, secret, it might be, at 
the outset, but large ; also, a pleasant place of retire- 
ment : should he refuse he held out the threat of 
death. Anicetus, with inbred perversity and an 
ease communicated "By To rmer crimes, invented and 
confessed more than had been ordered, in the 
presence of the friends convened by the emperor to 
play the part of a privy council. He was then 
banished to Sardinia, 1 where he supported a not 
impecunious exile, and died by a natural death. 

LXIII. Nero, for his part, announced by edict 
that Octavia'Tiad seduced the prefect in the hope of 
gaining the co-operation of his squadron; that, 
conscious of her infidelities, she had procured abor- 
tion, — he failed to remember his recent charge of 
sterility ! — and that these were facts ascertained by 
himself. He then confined her in the island of 
Pandateria. 2 No woman in exile ever presented a 
more pitiful spectacle to the eye of the beholder. 
There were yet some who recollected the banishment 
of Agrippina 3 by Tiberius ; the more recent memory 
of Julia's 4 expulsion by Claudius still dwelt in the 
minds of men. But to these the maturity of life 
had come ; 3 they had seen some little happiness, and 
could soften the cruelty of the present by recalling 

209 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

adlevabant. Huic primum nuptiarum dies loco 
funeris fuit, deductae in domum, in qua nihil nisi 
luctuosum haberet, erepto per venenum patre et 
statim fratre ; turn ancilla domina validior et Pop- 
paea non nisi in perniciem uxoris nupta, postremo 
crimen omni exitio gravius. 

LXIV. Ac puella ^jric egimo l aetatis anno inter 
centuriones et milites, praesa^io~lTTatortrrri iam vitae 
exempta, nondum tamen morte adquiescebat. Paucis 
dehinc interiectis diebus mori iubetur, cum iam 
viduam se et tantum sororem testaretur communis- 
que Germanicos et postremo Agrippinae nomen 
cieret, qua incolumi infelix quidem matrimonium, 
sed sine exitio pertulisset. Restringitur vinclis 
venaeque eius per omnis artus exsolvuntur ; et quia 
pressus pavore sanguis tardius labebatur, prae- 
fervidi balnei vapore enecatur. Additurque atrocior 
saevitia, quod caput amputatum latumque in urbem 
Poppaea vidit. Dona ob haec templis decreta 
quem 2 ad finem memorabimus ? Quicumque casus 
temporum illorum nobis vel aliis auctoribus noscent, 
praesumptum habeant. quotiens fugas et caedes 
iussit princeps, totiens gratis deis actas, quaeque 
rerum secundarum olim, turn publicae cladis insignia 

1 vicesinio] duo et vicesimo Xipperdey, quinio et v. Bitter. 

2 decreta quem Doederlein : decretaque. 



1 As a matter of fact, she was older than Britannicus ; 
who was born on Feb. 13, 41 a.d. 

2 Through the adoption of Nero by Claudius. 

3 The surname was conferred by the senate on Tiberius' 
brother Drusus and his descendants. His grandson Claudius 
was father of Octavia ; his granddaughter Agrippina, mother of 
Nero. 



BOOK XIV. lxiii.-lxiv. 

the brighter fortunes of the past. To Octavia, first 
of all, her day of marriage had been tantamount to 
a day of burial, entering as she did a house where 
mourning alone awaited her — where her father was 
snatched away by poison, to be followed at once by 
her brother. Then had come the maid, more potent 
than her mistress, and Poppaea turning bride only to 
destroy a wife ; last of all, an accusation more bitter 
than any doom. 

LXIV. And so this girl, in the twentieth year of 
her age, 1 surrounded by centurions and soldiers, cut 
off already from life by foreknowledge of her fate, 
still~Iacked the peace of death. There followed an 
interval of a few days ; then she was ordered to die- 
though she protested she was husbandless now, a 
sister 2 and nothing more, evoking the Germanici 3 
whose blood they shared, and, in the last resort, the 
name of Agrippina, in whose lifetime she had sup- 
ported a wifehood, unhappy enough but still not 
fatal. She was tied fast with cords, and the veins 
were opened in each limb : then, as the blood, 
arrested by terror, ebbed too slowly, she was suffo- 
cated in the vapour of a bath heated to an extreme 
temperature. As a further and more hideous 
cruelty, the head was amputated and carried to 
Rome, where it was viewed by Poppaea. For all 
these things offerings were decreed to the temples 
— how often must those words be said ? Let all 
who make their acquaintance with the history of 
fRatr period in my narrative or that of others take 
so much for granted : as often as the emperor 
ordered an exile or a murder, so often was a thanks- 
giving addressed to Heaven ; and what formerly 
betokened prosperity was now a symbol of public 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

fuisse. Neque tamen silebimus, si quod senatus 
consultum adulatione novum aut patientia postremum 
fuit. 

LXV. Eodem anno libertorum potissimos veneno 
interfecisse creditus est. Doryphorum quasi adversa- 
tum nuptiis Poppaeae, Pallantem, quod inmensam 
pecuniam longa senecta detineret. Romanus l secre- 
tis criminationibus incusaverat Senecam ut C. Pisonis 
socium, sed validius a Seneca eodem crimine pereulsus 
est. Unde Pisoni timor et orta insidiarum in 
Neronem magna moles et inprospera. 

1 RomanusJ . . . Romanus Killer. 



212 



BOOK XIV. lxiv.-lxv. 

calamity. Nevertheless, where a senatorial decree 
achieved a noveltv in adulation or a last word in 
self-abasement, I shall not pass it by in silence. 

LXV. In the same year, he was credited with 
the poisoning of two of his principal freedmen : 
Doryphorus, 1 as an opponent of the marriage with 
Poppaea ; Pallas, because he kept his vast riches to 
himself by a too protracted old age. — Romanus 2 
had attacked Seneca, in private informations, as the 
associate of Gnaeus Piso. but was himself more 
surely struck down by Seneca on the same charge. 
The result was the alarm of Piso and the birth of an 
elaborate and luckless conspiracy against Nero. 

1 Libertus a libellis in succession to Callistus. 

2 Possibly another Caesarian freedinan, unless there is a 
gap in the text. 



213 



BOOK XV 



LIBER XV 

I. Ixterea rex Parthorum Vologeses cognitis 
Corbulonis rebus regemque alienigenam Tigranen 
Armeniae impositum, simul fratre Tiridate pulso 
spretum Arsacidarum fastigium ire ultum volens, 
magnitudine rursum Romana et continui foederis 
reverentia diversas ad curas trahebatur, cunctator 
ingenio et defectione Hyreanorum, gentis validae, 
multisque ex eo bellis inligatus. Atque ilium 
ambiguum novus insuper nuntius eontumeliae ex- 
stimulat : quippe egressus Armenia Tigranes Adia- 
benos, conterminam nationem, latius ac diutius quam 
per latrocinia vastaverat, idque primores gentium 
aegre tolerabant : eo contemptionis descensum, ut 
ne duce quidem Romano incursarentur, sed temeri- 
tate obsidis tot per annos inter mancipia habiti. 
Accendebat dolorem eorum Monobazus, quern 
penes Adiabenum regimen, quod praesidium aut 
unde peteret rogitans. lam de Armenia concessum, 
proxima trahi ; et nisi defendant Parthi, levius ser- 
vitium apud Romanos deditis quam captis esse. 



1 The narrative reverts to the end of XIV. 26. The events 
recorded in the first seventeen chapters of this book, though 
given under the one annalistic year 62 a.d., extend from 61 to 
63 A.D. 

2 It had existed without a formal rupture since 20 B.C., 
the year of the restitution of the standards captured from 
Crassus at Carrhae (53 B.C.). 

216 



BOOK XV 

I. Meanwhile, 1 the Parthian king Yologeses — 
apprized of Corbulo's feats and the elevation of the 
alien Tigranes to the throne of Armenia, and anxious 
furthermore to take steps to avenge the slur cast 
upon the majesty of the Arsaeian line by the expul- 
sion of his brother Tiridates — was drawn, on the other 
hand, to different lines of thought by consideration* 
of Roman power and by respect for a long-standing 
treaty. 2 For he was by nature prone to temporize, and 
he was hampered by a revolt of the powerful Hyrca- 
nian tribe and by the numerous campaigns which it 
involved. He was still in doubt, when news of a 
fresh indignity stung him into action : for Tigranes, 
emerging from Armenia, had ravaged the bordering 
country of Adiabene too widely and too long for a 
plundering foray, and the grandees of the nations 
were becoming restive ; complaining that they had 
sunk to a point of humiliation where they could be 
harried, not even by a Roman general, but by the 
temerity of a hostage whom for years the enemy had 
counted among his chattels. Their resentment was 
inflamed by Monobazus, the ruling prince of Adia- 
bene : — "What protection," he kept demanding, 
" was he to seek ? or from what quarter ? Armenia 
had already been ceded ; the adjacent country was 
following ; and, if Parthia refused protection, then 
the Roman yoke pressed more lightly upon a sur- 
rendered than upon a conquered nation ! " Tiri- 

217 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Tiridates quoque regni profiigus per silentium aut 

modice querendo gravior erat : — Non enim ignavia 
magna imperia contineri ; virorum armorumque 
faciendum certamen ; id in summa fortuna aequius 
quod validius, et sua retinere privatae domus, de 
alienis certare regiam laudem esse. 

II. Igitur commotus his Yologeses concilium vocat 
et proximum sibi Tiridaten constituit atque ita 
orditur : — " Hunc ego eodem mecum patre genitum, 
cum mihi per aetatem summo nomine coneessisset, 
in possessionem Armeniae deduxi, qui tertius 
potentiae gradus habetur : nam Medos Pacorus ante 
ceperat. Videbarque contra vetera fratrum odia 
et certamina familiae nostrae penatis rite com- 
posuisse. Proliibent Romani et pacem numquam 
ipsis prospere lacessitam nunc quoque in exitium 
suum abrumpunt. Non ibo infitias : aequitale quam 
sanguine, causa quam armis retinere parta maioribus 
malueram. Si cunctatione deliqui, virtute corrigam. 
Vestra quidem vis et gloria in integro est, addita 
modestiae fama, quae neque summis mortalium 
spernenda est et a dis aestimatur." Simul diade- 
mate caput Tiridatis evinxit, promptam equitum 
manum, quae regem ex more sectatur, Monaesi 
nobili viro tradidit. adiectis Adiabenorum auxiliis 
mandavitque Tigranen Armenia extmbandum l dum 

1 extuibandilm Becker : exturba Med., exturbare Ernesti, 
vulg. 

1 His remaining brother, to whom had been assigned the 
Arsaeian appanage of Media Atropatene (between Armenia 
and Media proper). 

218 



BOOK XV. i.-n. 

dates too, dethroned and exiled, carried a weight 
increased by his silence or his restrained protests : — 
" Great empires were not conserved by inaction — 
they needed the conflict of men and arms. With 
princes might was the only right. To retain its own 
possessions was the virtue of a private family : in 
contending for those of others lay the glory of a king." 
II. Vologeses, accordingly, moved by all this, 
convened a council, installed Tiridates next to 
himself, and opened thus : — " This prince, the issue 
of the same father as myself, having renounced to 
me the supreme title upon grounds of age, I placed 
him in possession of Armenia, the recognized third 
degree of power ; for Media had already fallen to 
Pacorus. 1 And it seemed to me that, in contrast 
with the old brotherly hatreds and jealousies, I had 
by fair means brought order to our domestic hearth. 
The Romans forbid ; and the peace, which they have 
never themselves challenged with success, they are 
now again breaking to their destruction. I shall 
not deny it : equity and not bloodshed, reason and 
not arms, were the means by which I should have 
preferred to retain the acquisitions of my fathers. 
If I have erred by hesitancy, I shall make amends by 
valour. In any event, your power and fame are 
intact ; and you have added to them that character 
for moderation which is not to be scorned by the most 
exalted of mankind and is taken into account by 
Heaven." — Therewith he bound the diadem on the 
brows of Tiridates. A body of cavalry, regularly 
in attendance on the king, was at hand : he trans- 
ferred it to a noble named Monaeses, adding a 
number of Adiabenian auxiliaries, and commissioned 
him to eject Tigranes from Armenia; while he 

219 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

ipse positis adversus Hyrcanos discordiis viris 
intimas molemque belli ciet, provinciis Romanis 
minitans. 

III. Quae ubi Corbuloni certis nuntiis audita sunt 
legiones duas cum Verulano Severo et Vettio Bolano 
subsidium Tigrani mittit, occulto praecepto, com- 
positius cuncta quam festinantius agerent : quippe 
bellum habere quam gerere malebat. Scripseratque 
Caesari proprio duce opus esse, qui Armeniam 
defenderet : Suriam ingruente Vologese acriore in 
discrimine esse. Atque interim reliquas legiones 
pro ripa Euphratis locat, tumultuariam provincialium 
manum armat, hostilis ingressus praesidiis intercipit. 
Et quia egena aquarum regio est, castella fontibus 
inposita ; quosdam rivos congestu harenae abdidit. 

IV. Ea dum a Corbulone tuendae Suriae parantur, 
acto raptim agmine Monaeses, ut famam sui praeiret, 
non ideo nescium aut incautum Tigranen offendit. 
Occupa.verat Tigranocertam, urbem copia defensor um 
et magnitudine moenium validam. Ad hoc Nice- 
phorius amnis haud spernenda latitudine partem 
murorum ambit, et ducta ingens fossa, qua fluvio 
diffidebatur. Inerantque mihtes et provisi ante 

1 XIV. 26. 

2 Appointed legatus of Britain by Vitellius, and afterwards 
proconsul of Asia. Statius, whose Protrepticon ad Crispinum 
(Silv. V. 2) is addressed to his son, does what must be ample 
justice to his services in Armenia (l.l. 31-50). 

3 The identification of the Niccphorius depends on that 
of the site of Tigranocerta. If the town is placed, with Sachau 
and others, at Tell Ermen to the south of Mt. Masius (et-Tur), 
which agrees with the data furnished by Tacitus and Strabo 
(522, 747), though not with those of Pliny {H.N. VI. 27, 129; 
ib. 9, 26), the stream is the Zergan, which falls into the Khabur, 
a tributary of the Euphrates. If, on the other hand, Tigrano- 
certa is taken, as by Egli, to have occupied the position of 



BOOK XV. u.-iv. 

himself laid aside his quarrel with Hyrcania and 
called up his internal forces, with the full machinery 
of war, as a threat to the Roman provinces. 

III. So soon as Corbulo had the news by sure 
messengers, he sent two legions under Verulanus 
Severus 1 and Vettius Bolanus 2 to reinforce Tigranes ; 
with private instructions, however, that all their 
actions were to be circumspect rather than rapid ; 
for in truth, he was more desirous to have war upon 
his hands than to wage it. Also he had written 
to Nero that a separate commander was required 
for the defence of Armenia : Syria, he observed, 
stood in the graver danger, if Vologeses attacked. 
In the interval, he stationed his remaining legion 
on the Euphrates bank, armed an improvised force 
of provincials, and closed the hostile avenues of 
approach by garrison-posts. Further, as the region 
is deficient in water, forts were thrown up to command 
the springs : a few brooks he buried under piles of 
sand. 

IV. While Corbulo was thus preparing for the 
defence of Syria, Monaeses, who had marched at 
full speed in order to outstrip the rumour of his 
coming, failed none the less to catch Tigranes un- 
awares or oft' his guard. He had occupied Tigrano- 
certa, a town formidable by the number of its 
defenders and the scale of its fortifications. In 
addition, a part of the walls is encircled by the 
Nicephorius, 3 a river of respectable width ; and a 
huge fosse had been drawn at points where the 
stream was not to be relied upon. Within lay Roman 
troops, and supplies to which attention had been 

Sert, north of Mt Masius and south-west of Lake Van, it stood 
on the Bitlis-su. 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

commeatus, quorum subvectu pauci avidius progressi 
et repentinis hostibus circumventi ira magis quam 
metu ceteros accenderant. Sed Partho ad exse- 
quendas obsidiones nulla comminus audacia : raris 
sagittis neque clausos exterret et semet frustratur. 
Adiabeni cum promo vere scalas et machinamenta 
iiiciperent, facile detrusi, mox erumpentibus nostris 
caeduntur. 

V. Corbulo tamen, quamvis secundis rebus suis, 
moderandum fortunae ratus misit ad Vologesen, qui 
expostularent vim provinciae inlatam : socium ami- 
cumque regem, cohortis Romanas circumsideri. 
Omitteret potius obsidionem, aut se quoque in agro 
hostili castra positurum. Casperius centurio in earn 
legationem delectus apud oppidum Nisibin, septem et 
triginta milibus passuum a Tigranocerta distantem, 
adiit regem et mandata ferociter edidit. Vologesi 
vetus et penitus infixum erat arma Romana vitandi. 
nee praesentia prospere fluebant. Inritum obsidium, 
tutus manu et copiis Tigranes, fugati qui expugna- 
tionem sumpserant, missae in Armeniam legiones, et 
aliae pro Suria paratae ultro inrumpere ; sibi inbecil- 
lum equitem pabuli inopia : nam exorta vis locustarum 
ambederat quidquid herbidum aut frondosum. Igitur 
metu abstruso mitiora obtendens, missurum ad 



1 By crossing the Euphrates and invading Mesopotamia. 

2 In north-eastern Mesopotamia. The town — rjv ol fiev 
^ap/Sapot Ni'oijSiv [Syr. N'tsibhin], ol S' 'EAAijves ' Avn.6x^i-av 
MvySovucrfv TTpoo-qyopevov (Plut. Luc. 32) — was of high strategic 
importance from the time of Lucullus to that of John 
Zimisces, but is now reduced to a couple of hundred mud huts. 

3 This is said to determine the month as June or July. 

222 



BOOK XV. iv.-v. 

given beforehand : that, in bringing them up, a few 
men had advanced too eagerly and been cut off by 
the sudden appearance of the enemy, had excited 
more anger than alarm in the remainder. But the 
Parthian lacks the boldness at close quarters de- 
manded for the prosecution of a siege : he resorts 
to occasional flights of arrows, which both fail to 
terrify the garrison and delude himself. The 
Adiaberi, on beginning to push forward their ladders 
and machines, were easily thrown back, then cut to 
pieces by a sally of our men. 

V. Corbulo, however, favourably though matters 
were turning, decided not to press fortune too hard, 
and forwarded a protest to Vologeses: — " Violence 
had been offered to his province : siege was being laid 
to an allied and friendly monarch and to Roman 
cohorts. It would be better to raise the blockade, or 
he also would pitch his camp in hostile territory." 1 
The centurion Casperius, who had been selected for 
the mission, approached the king at Nisibis, 2 a town 
thirty-seven miles distant from Tigranocerta, and 
delivered his message with spirit. With Vologeses 
it was an old and deep-seated principle to avoid the 
Roman arms ; nor at the moment was the current 
of events too smooth. The siege had been fruitless; 
Tigranes was safe with his garrison and supplies ; 
the force which had undertaken to storm the position 
had been routed ; legions had been sent into Arme- 
nia, and more stood ready on the Syrian frontier to 
take the offensive by an invasion. His own cavalry, 
he reflected, was incapacitated by lack of fodder; 
for a swarm of locusts 3 had made its appearance and 
destroyed every trace of grass or foliage. Hence, 
uhile keeping his fears in the background, he adopted 

223 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

imperatorem Romanum legatos super petenda 
Armenia et firmanda pace respondet. Monaesen 
omittere Tigranocertam iubet, ipse retro concedit. 

VI. Haec plures ut formidine regis et Corbulonis 
minis patrata ac magnifica extollebant : alii occulte 
pepigisse interpretabantur, ut omisso utrimque bello 
et abeunte Vologese Tigranes quoque Armenia 
abscederet. Cur enim exercitum Romanum a 
Tigranocertis deductum ? Cur deserta per otium 
quae bello defenderant ? An melius hibernavisse 
in extrema Cappadocia, raptim erectis tuguriis, quam 
in sede regni modo retenti ? Dilata prorsus arma. 
ut Vologeses cum alio quam cum Corbulone certaret, 
Corbulo meritae tot per annos gloriae non ultra peri- 
culum faceret. Nam, ut rettuli, proprium ducem 
tuendae Armeniae poposcerat, et adventare Cae- 
sennius Paetus audiebatur. Iamque aderat, copiis 
ita divisis, ut quarta et duodecuma legiones addita 
quinta, quae recens e Moesis excita erat, simul 
Pontica et Galatarum Cappadocumque auxilia Paeto 
oboedirent, tertia et sexta et decuma legiones 
priorque Suriae miles apud Corbulonem manerent ; 
cetera ex rerum usu sociarent partirenturve. Sed 

1 The arrangement with Vologeses had been reached late 
in the year, and the winter is that of 61-62 a.d. : the comments 
are those of the spring or summer of 62 a.d. 

2 The consul of 60 a.d. (XIV. 29). Corbulo's request for 
a special commander, qui Armcniam dejetuieret was mentioned 
in chap. 3. 

224 



BOOK XV. v.-vi. 

a milder tone, and replied that he would send ambas- 
sadors to the Roman emperor to discuss his applica- 
tion for Armenia and the establishment of peace on 
a firm footing. Monaeses he ordered to abandon 
Tigranocerta, while he himself began his retirement. 
VI. By the majority of men these results were 
acclaimed as a triumph due to the fears of the king 
and to Corbulo's threats. Others found the explana- 
tion in a private compact stipulating that, if hostilities 
were suspended on both sides and Vologeses with- 
drew', Tigranes would also make his exit from Arme- 
nia. " For why," it was asked, " should the Roman 
army have been withdrawn from Tigranocerta ? 
Why abandon in peace what they had defended in 
war ? Was it an advantage to have wintered x upon 
the verge of Cappadocia in hastily erected hovels 
rather than in the capital of a kingdom which they 
had but lately saved ? The fact was, the clash had 
been deferred, so that Vologeses might be pitted 
against another antagonist than Corbulo, and 
Corbulo risk no further the laurels earned in the 
course of so many years ! " For, as I have related, 
he had demanded a separate general for the defence 
of Armenia, and it was heard that Caesennius 
Paetus 2 was at hand. Before long he was on the 
spot, the forces being so divided that the fourth and 
twelfth legions, reinforced by the fifth, which had 
recently been called up from Moesia, and the 
auxiliaries of Pontus, Galatia, and Cappadocia, were 
placed at the orders of Paetus; the third, sixth, and 
tenth legions, and the old troops in Syria, remaining 
with Corbulo, while the rest were to be employed 
in conjunction or separately as the course of 
events should require. However, not only was 

225 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

neque Corbulo aemuli patiens, et Paetus, cui satis 
ad gloriam erat, si proximus haberetur, despiciebat 
gesta, nihil caedis aut praedae, usurpatas nomine 
tenus urbium expugnationes dictitans : se tributa 
ac leges et pro umbra regis Romanum ius victis 
impositurum. 

VII. Sub idem tempus legati Vologesis, quos ad 
principem missos memoravi, revertere inriti bel- 
lumque propalam sumptum a Parthis. Nee Paetus 
detrectavit, sed duabus legionibus, quarum quartam 
Funisulanus Yettonianus eo in tempore, duodecumam 
Calavius Sabinus regebant, Armeniam intrat tristi 
omine. Nam in transgressu Euphratis, quern ponte 
tramittebant, nulla palam causa turbatus equus, qui 
consularia insignia gestabat, retro evasit. Hostiaque, 
quae muniebantur, hibernaculis adsistens semifacta 
opera fuga perrupit seque vallo extulit. Et pila 
militum arsere. magis insigni prodigio. quia Parthus 
hostis missilibus telis decertat. 

VIII. Ceterum Paetus spretis ominibus, necdum 
satis firmatis hibernaculis, nullo rei frumentariae 
provisu, rapit exercitum trans montem Taurum 
reciperandis, ut ferebat. Tigranocertis vastandisque 
regionibus, quas Corbulo integras omisisset. Et 
capta quaedam castella, gloriaeque et praedae 



1 A couple of inscriptions show that he had an extraordinarily 
distinguished career under the Flavians : Calavius Sabinus is 
unknown. 

2 He crosses from Cappadocia into Armenia, probably at 
Melitene (Malatia) and in the autumn, then marches south, 
across the Taurus range, in the direction of Tigranocerta. 

3 It was being prepared in advance for the coming winter 
(62-63 a.d.). 

226 



BOOK XV. vi.-vm. 

Corbulo impatient of rivals, but Paetus, for whom it 
might have been glory enough to rank second to such 
a leader, treated his achievements with high disdain. 
" Bloodshed and booty," he kept repeating, " there 
had been none ; to speak of the storming of cities 
was nothing but a form of words : it remained for 
himself to impose on the conquered tributes, laws, 
and Roman jurisdiction in place of a phantom king." 

VII. Almost at the same time, the deputies of 
Vologeses, whose mission to the emperor I have 
already noticed, returned without result, and Parthia 
embarked upon undisguised war. Paetus did not 
evade the challenge, but with two legions — the 
fourth, at that time commanded by Funisulanus 
Vettonianus, 1 and the twelfth, under Calavius Sabinus 
— entered Armenia under sinister auspices. For 
at the passage of the Euphrates, 2 which the troops 
were crossing by a bridge, the horse carrying the 
consular insignia took fright for no obvious reason 
and escaped to the rear. A victim standing by in 
the winter camp, 3 while it was being fortified, broke 
away, dashed through the half-completed works, 
and made its way out of the entrenchments. Fire, 
too, played on the javelins of the troops — a prodigy 
the more striking that the Parthian is an enemy 
whose battles are decided bv missiles. 

VIII. Paetus, however, ignoring the portents, 
with his winter quarters still inadequately protected, 
and no provision made for his supply of grain, hurried 
the army across the Taurus range, with the avowed in- 
tention of recovering Tigranocerta and devastating the 
districts which Corbulo had left untouched. He took, 
in fact, a few fortified places, and gained a certain 
amount of glory and plunder, had he but accepted 

227 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

nonnihil partum. si aut gloriam cum modo aut 
praedam cum cura habuisset. Longinquis itineribus 
percursando quae obtineri nequibant, corrupto qui 
captus erat commeatu et instante iam hieme, reduxit 
exercitum conposuitque ad Caesarem litteras quasi 
confecto bello, verbis magnificis, rerum vacuas. 

IX. Interim Corbulo numquam neglectam Eu- 
phratis ripam crebrioribus praesidiis insedit : et ne 
ponti iniciendo impedimentum hostiles turmae 
adferrent (iam enim subiectis campis magna specie 
volitabant), navis magnitudine praestantis et conexas 
trabibus ac turribus auctas agit per amnem catapul- 
tisque et balistis proturbat barbaros, in quos saxa et 
hastae longius permeabant, quam ut contrario 
sagittarum iactu adaequarentur. Dein pons con- 
tinuatus collesque adversi per socias cohortis. post 
legionum castris oceupantur, tanta celeritate et 
ostentatione virium. ut Parthi omisso paratu inva- 
dendae Suriae spem omnem in Armeniam verterent. 
ubi Paetus imminentium nescius quintam legionem 
procul in Ponto habebat, reliquas promiscis militum 
eommeatibus infirmaverat, donee adventare Yolo- 
gesen magno et infenso agmine auditum. 

1 His position was doubtless at Zeugma, the usual point of 
passage, and his tetes de pant had the effect of keeping open the 
door for a Roman invasion of Mesopotamia, while closing it 
against a Parthian attempt on Syria. Vologeses, therefore, 
whose base was probably at Nisibis, changed his objective, 
turned north, and marched into Armenia to try conclusions 
with Caesennius Paetus in the short interval before winter 
arrived in earnest. 

228 



BOOK XV. vni.- ix. 

his glory with moderation or kept his plunder with 
vigilance. But, while he was overrunning in pro- 
tracted marches districts impossible of retention, the 
grain he had captured was ruined, and winter began 
to threaten : he therefore led back the army, and, 
to give the impression that the war was now closed, 
indited a letter to the Caesar, as grandiloquently 
phrased as it was void of content. 

IX. In the meantime, Corbulo occupied the bank 
of the Euphrates, 1 which he had never neglected, 
with a still closer line of posts ; while, to ensure that 
the task of laying a pontoon should not be impeded 
by the mounted squadrons of the enemy — already 
an imposing spectacle, as they manoeuvred in the 
adjacent plains — he threw across the stream a 
number of large-sized vessels connected with plank- 
ing and surmounted by turrets, and, using his cata- 
pults and ballistae, forced back the barbarians, the 
stones and spears being effective at a range with 
which the counter-discharge of arrows was unable 
to compete. The bridge was now completed, and the 
hills in front were occupied, first by the allied cohorts, 
then by a legionary camp, with a speed and a display 
of strength which induced the Parthians to drop 
their preparations for invading Syria and to stake 
their whole hopes upon Armenia ; where Paetus, 
unconscious of the impending storm, was keeping 
the fifth legion sequestered in Pontus, and had 
weakened the rest 2 by indiscriminate grants of 
furlough, till news came that Vologeses was on the 
march with a formidable and threatening array. 

2 The fourth and twelfth, which are shown by the next 
sentence to have been quartered separately. 

229 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

X. Accitur legio duodecuma, et unde faniam aucti 
exercitus speraverat, prodita infrequentia, qua tamen 
retineri castra et eludi Parthus tractu belli poterat, 
si Paeto aut in suis aut in alienis consiliis constantia 
fuisset : verum ubi a vh-is militaribus adversus 
urguentis casus firmatus erat, rursus, ne alienae 
sententiae indigens videretur, in diversa ac deteriora 
transibat. Et, tunc relictis hibernis non fossam 
neque vallum sibi, sed corpora et arma in hostem 
data clamitans,duxit legiones quasi proelio certaturus. 
Deinde amisso centurione et paucis militibus, quos 
visendis hostium copiis praemiserat, trepidus re- 
meavit. Et quia minus acriter Vologeses institerat, 
vana rursus fiducia tria milia delecti peditis proximo 
Tauri iugo imposuit, quo transitum regis arcerent : 
alaris quoque Pannonios, robur equitatus, in parte 
campi locat. Coniunx ac filius castello, cui Arsamo- 
sata nomen est, abditi, data in praesidium cohorte 
ac disperso milite, qui in uno habitus vagum hostem 
promptius sustentavisset. Aegre compulsum ferunt, 
ut instantem Corbuloni fateretur. Nee a Corbulone 
properatum, quo gliscentibus periculis etiam subsidii 



1 To join Paetus and the fourth legion at " Rhandeia " — 
The name is preserved by Dio (LXII. 21) — on the north bank 
of the " Arsanias," which may safely be taken as the Murad-su. 
The exact site of the camp is naturally doubtful : probably 
it lay a little east of Kharput. 

230 



BOOK XV. x. 

X. The twelfth legion was called to the scene, 1 and 
the measure by which he had hoped to advertise the 
increase in his forces revealed their inadequacy. 
Even so, he might still have held the camp and foiled 
the Parthian by a strategy of delay, had he possessed 
the strength of mind to stand either by his own 
decisions or by the decisions of another. As it was, 
no sooner had the professional soldiers given him 
courage to face an urgent crisis than he changed 
front, and, reluctant to seem dependent on outside 
advice, passed over to the opposite and more dis- 
advantageous course. So now, leaving his winter 
quarters and clamouring that not moat or rampart 
but men and arms were the means assigned him for 
dealing with a foe, he led on his legions as if to 
contest a pitched field ; then, after the loss of one 
centurion and a few soldiers whom he had sent 
ahead to inspect the enemy's force, he retraced his 
steps in trepidation. And as Vologeses had pressed 
the pursuit less keenly than he might, his inane 
self-confidence returned, and he posted three 
thousand picked infantry on the neighbouring heights 
of the Taurus, where they were to bar the passage 
of the king : the Pannonian squadrons, also, com- 
posing the flower of his cavalry, were stationed in a 
part of the plain. His wife and son found conceal- 
ment in a fortress known as Arsamosata, to which he 
allowed a cohort by way of garrison ; thus dispersing 
a force which, if concentrated, might have coped 
more effectively with its shifting adversary. Only 
with a struggle, it is said, could he be brought to 
admit the hostile pressure to Corbulo. Nor was 
there any haste on the part of Corbulo himself, who 
hoped that, if the dangers came to a head, the glory 

231 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

laus augeretur. Expediri tamen itineri singula milia 
ex tribus legionibus et alarios octingentos, parem 
numerum e cohortibus iussit. 

XI. At Vologeses, quamvis obsessa a Paeto itinera 
hinc peditatu inde equite accepisset, nihil mutato 
consilio, sed vi ac minis alaris exterruit, legionarios 
obtrivit, uno tantum centurione Tarquitio Crescente 
turrim, in qua praesidium agitabat. defendere auso 
factaque saepius eruptione et caesis, qui barbarorum 
propius suggrediebantur, donee ignium iaetu circum- 
veniretur. Peditura si quis integer longinqua et 
avia, vulnerati castra repetivere, virtutem regis, 
saevitiam et copias gentium, cuncta metu extollentes, 
facili credulitate eorum, qui eadem pavebant. Ne 
dux quidem obniti adversis, sed cuncta militiae 
munia deseruerat, missis iterum ad Corbulonem 
precibus, veniret pi-opere, signa et aquilas et nomen 
reliquum infelicis exercitus tueretur : se fidem 
interim, donee vita subpeditet, retenturos. 

XII. Ille interritus et parte copiarum apud 
Suriam relicta, ut munimenta Euphrati inposita 
retinerentur. qua proximum et commeatibus non 
egenum, regionem Commagenam. exim Cappadociam 
inde Armenios petivit. Comitabantur exercitum 

1 II. 42 a. 
232 



BOOK XV. x.-xn. 

of a rescue would also be heightened. Still, he 
ordered a thousand men from each of the three 
legions, with eight hundred auxiliary horse, and a 
body of similar strength from the cohorts, to prepare 
themselves for the road. 

XI. Vologeses, on the other hand, though he had 
information that Paetus had beset the routes with 
infantry here and cavalry there, made no change in 
his plan, but by force and threats struck panic into 
the mounted squadrons and crushed the legionaries ; 
of whom a solitary centurion, Tarquitius Crescens, 
had courage to defend the tower which he was 
garrisoning, repeating his sorties and cutting down 
the barbarians who ventured too close up, until he 
succumbed to showers of firebrands. The few 
infantrymen unhurt took their way to the distant 
wilds : the wounded made back for the camp, 
exalting in their fear the prowess of the king, the 
fierceness and numbers of the tribes, in one word 
everything, and finding easy belief among listeners 
agitated by the same alarms. Even the commander 
offered no resistance to adversity, but had abdicated 
all his military functions after sending a second 
petition to Corbulo : — " He must come quickly and 
save the eagles and standards, and the name which 
was all that was left of an unhappy army ; they, 
meanwhile, would preserve their loyalty while life 
held out." 

XII. Corbulo, undismayed, left part of his forces in 
Syria to hold the forts erected on the Euphrates, and 
made his way by the shortest route not destitute of 
supplies to the district of Commagene, 1 then to 
Cappadocia, and from Cappadocia to Armenia. 
Over and above the usual appurtenances of war, the 

233 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

praeter alia sueta bello magna vis camelorum onusta 
frumenti, ut simul hostem famemque depelleret. 
Primum e perculsis Paccium primi pili centurionem 
obviurn habuit, dein plerosque militum ; quos 
diversas fugae causas obtendentis redire ad signa 
et clementiam Paeti experiri monebat : se nisi 
victoribus immitem esse. Simul suas legiones adire, 
hortari, priorum admonere, novam gloriam ostendere. 
Non vicos aut oppida Armeniorum, sed castra 
Romana duasque in iis legiones pretium laboris peti. 
Si singulis manipularibus praecipua servati civis 
corona imperatoria manu tribueretur, quod illud 
et quantum decus, ubi par eorum numerus aspicere- 
tur, 1 qui adtulissent salutem et qui accepissent ! His 
atque talibus in commune alacres (et erant quos 
pericula fratrum aut propinquorum propriis stimulis 
incenderent) continuum diu noctuque iter propera- 
bant. 

XIII. Eoque intentius Vologeses premere obses- 
sos. modo vallum legionum. modo castellum, quo 
inbellis aetas defendebatur, adpugnare, propius 
incedens quam mos Parthis, si ea temeritate hostem 
in proelium eliceret. At illi vix contuberniis ex- 
trahi, 2 nee aliud quam munimenta propugnabant, 
pars iussu ducis, et alii propria ignavia aut 

1 aspiceretur Lipsius : apisceretur Med. But xt may be 
doubted whether the emendation is adequate. 

2 extrahi Nipperdey : extracti. 



Paccius Orfitus (XIII. 36), now reduced to his old rank. 
The " civic " crown (III. 21 n.). 



234 



BOOK XV. xii. -xin. 

army was accompanied by a large train of camels 
loaded with corn, so that he had means of defence 
as well against hunger as the enemy. The first of 
the beaten army whom he met was the leading 
centurion Paccius, 1 soon followed by a crowd of 
private soldiers, whose contradictory excuses for 
their flight he answered by advising them to return 
to their standards and test the mercy of Paetus : — 
" For his own part, he was implacable, except to 
conquerors." At the same time, he went up to his 
own legionaries, encouraged them, reminded them 
of their past, and pointed to fresh glory : — " Their 
goal was not Armenian villages or towns, but a 
Roman camp and in it two legions as the reward of 
their labour. If the glorious wreath 2 which com- 
memorated the saving of a Roman life was conferred 
on the individual soldier by the hand of his emperor, 
how inestimable the meed of honour, when the 
rescued were seen to be in equal numbers with the 
rescuers ! " Animated with a common alacrity by 
this appeal and others similar, the troops — some of 
whom, with brothers or relatives in danger, had 
incentives of their own to fire them — marched day 
and night at their best speed without a break. 

XIII. With all the more vigour did Vologeses press 
the besieged, at one time threatening the legionary 
encampment, at another the fort which sheltered 
the non-combatants ; venturing closer in than is 
usual with the Parthians, on the chance of luring 
the enemy to an engagement by his rashness. His 
opponents, however, could with difficulty be drawn 
from their quarters and confined themselves to 
defending the fortifications ; some by command of 
the general, others from cowardice or a desire to 

235 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Covbulonem opperientes, ac vis si 1 ingrueret, provisis 
exemplis Caudinae Numantinaeque cladis; 2 neque 
eandem vim Samnitibus, Italico populo, ac Parthis, 3 
Romani imperii aemulis. Validam quoque et lauda- 
tam antiquitatem quotiens fortuna contra daret. 
saluti consuluisse. Qua desperatione exercitus dux 
subactus primas tamen litteras ad Vologesen non 
supplices, sed in modum querentis composuit, quod 
pro Armeniis semper Romanae dicionis aut subiectis 
regi, quem imperator delegisset, hostilia faceret : 
pacem ex aequo utilem ; ne praesentia tantum 
spectaret. Ipsum adversus duas legiones totis 
regni viribus advenisse : at Romanis orbem terrarum 
reliquum, quo bellum iuvarent. 

XIV. Ad ea Vologeses nihil pro causa, sed opperi- 
endos sibi fratres Pacorum ac Tiridaten rescripsit ; 
ilium locum tempusque consilio destinatum, quid de 
Armenia cernerent ; adiecisse deos dignum Arsaci- 
darum. simul ut de legionibus Romanis statuerent. 
Missi posthac 4 Paeto nuntii et regis conloquium 
petitum, qui Vasacen praefectum equitatus ire ius- 
sit. Turn Paetus Lucullos. Pompeios et si qua 
Caesars optinendae donandaeve Armeniae egerant. 
Vasaces imaginem retinendi largiendive penes nos, 
vim penes Parthos memorat. Et multum in vicem 

1 <si> Walther. 

2 Caudinae Numanti<naequecladis>; neque eandem Haasc : 
raudi nenum antineque eandem. 

3 ac Parthis Halm : aut paenis. s posthac <a> Haasc 

1 In 321 B.C. the Roman army was passed under the Sam- 
nite yoke at Caudium : in 137 B.C. the consul C. Hostilius 
Mancinus was disgracefully defeated by the Celtiberians of 
Numantia (at the confluence of the Duero and the Tera). 
In both cases, the terms of capitulation were repudiated at 
Rome. 
236 



BOOK XV. xm.-xiv. 

wait for Corbulo, coupled with the reflection that, if 
the attack were pressed home, there were the pre- 
cedents of the Caudine and Numantine disasters. 1 
" Nor, indeed," they argued, " had the Samnites, a 
tribe of provincial Italy, the strength of the Parthians 
who rivalled imperial Rome. Even the stout and 
lauded ancients, whenever fortune registered an 
adverse verdict, had taken thought for their lives ! 
Beaten though he was by the despondency in the 
ranks, the general's first letter to Vologeses was 
couched less in the terms of a petition than of a 
protest against his armed action on behalf of the 
Armenians, always under Roman suzerainty or subject 
to a king selected by the emperor. " Peace was an 
interest of both parties alike : the king must not 
look solely to the present — he had come up against 
a couple of legions with the full forces of his realm. 
Rome had the world in reserve, with which to support 
the war." 

XIV. Vologeses wrote an evasive reply, to the 
effect that he must wait for his brothers, Pacorus 
and Tiridates : — " This was the date and place they 
had arranged for considering what was to be their 
decision with regard to Armenia : Heaven had added 
a task worthy of the Arsacian house — that of settling 
at the same time the fate of Roman legions." 
Messengers were then sent by Paetus, asking for 
an interview with the king, who ordered his cavalry- 
commander Vasaces to go. At the meeting, Paetus 
recalled the names of Lucullus and Pompey, and the 
various acts by which the Caesars had kept or given 
away the crown of Armenia ; Vasaces, the fact that 
only a phantom power of retention or disposal 
rested with us — the reality was with Parthia. After 

237 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

disceptato, Monobazus Adiabenus in diem posterum 
testis iis quae pepigissent adhibetur. Placuitque 
liberari obsidio legiones et decedere omnem militem 
finibus Armeniorum eastellaque et commeatus 
Parthis tradi, quibus perpetratis copia Vologesi fieret 
mittendi ad Neronem legatos. 

XV. Interim flumini Arsaniae (is castra prae- 
fluebat) pontem imposuit, specie sibi illud iter 
expedientis, sed Parthi quasi doeumentum victoriae 
iusserant ; namque iis usui tint, nostri per diversum 
iere. Addidit rumor sub iugum missas legiones et 
alia ex rebus infaustis, quorum simulacrum ab 
Armeniis usurpatum est. Namque et munimenta 
ingressi sunt, antequam agmen Romanum excederet, 
et circumstetere vias, captiva olim mancipia aut 
iumenta adgnoscentes abstrahentesque : raptae etiam 
vestes, retenta arma, pavido milite et concedente, ne 
qua proelii causa existeret. Vologeses armis et 
corporibus caesorum aggeratis, quo cladem nostram 
testaretur, visu fugientium legionum abstinuit : fama 
moderationis quaerebatur, postquam superbiam 
expleverat. Flumen Arsaniam elephanto insidens, 
proximus quisque regem vi equorum perrupere, quia 

238 



BOOK XV. xiv.-xv. 

much parleying on both sides, Monobazus of Adia- 
bene was called in for the following day as witness to 
the arrangement concluded. The agreement was 
that the blockade of the legions should be raised, the 
whole of the troops withdrawn from Armenian 
territory, and the forts and supplies handed over to 
the Parthians. When all this had been consum- 
mated, Vologeses was to be accorded leave to send 
an embassy to Nero. 

XV. In the interval, Paetus threw a bridge over 
the river Arsanias (which ran hard past the camp), 
ostensibly to prepare himself a line of retreat in 
that direction, though the work had, in fact, been 
ordered by the Parthians as evidence of their victory : 
for it was they who utilized it — our men leaving by 
the opposite route. Rumour added that the legions 
had been passed under the yoke ; and other particu- 
lars were given, harmonizing well enough with our 
unfortunate position, and indeed paralleled by the 
behaviour of the Armenians. For not only did they 
enter the fortifications before the Roman column 
left, but they lined the roads, identifying and 
dragging off slaves or sumpter-animals which had 
been captured long before : even clothing was 
snatched and weapons detained, our terrified 
troops offering no resistance, lest some pretext for 
hostilities should emerge. Vologeses, after piling 
up the arms and corpses of the slain to serve as 
evidence of our disaster, abstained from viewing the 
flight of the legions : he was laying up a character 
for moderation, now that his arrogance had been 
satisfied. Mounted on an elephant, he charged 
through the stream of the Arsanias, while his imme- 
diate attendants followed with an effort on horse- 

239 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

rumor incesscrat pontem eessururn oneri dolo 
fabricantium : sed qui ingredi ausi sunt, validum et 
fidum intellexere. 

XVI. Ceterum obsessis adeo suppeditavisse rem 
frumentariam constitit, ut horreis ignem inicerent, 
contraque prodiderit Corbulo Parthos inopes copi- 
arum et pabulo attrito relicturos oppugnationem, 
neque se plus tridui itinera afuisse. Adicit iure 
iurando Paeti cautum apud signa, adstantibus iis. 
quos testificando rex misisset. neminem Romanum 
Armeniam ingressurum, donee referrentur litterae 
Neronis, an paei adnueret. Quae ut augendae 
infamiae composita. sic reliqua non in obscuro 
habentur, una die quadraginta milium spatium 
emensum esse Paetum, desertis passim sauciis, 
neque minus deformem illam fugientium trepida- 
tionem, quam si terga in acie vertissent. Corbulo 
cum suis copiis apud ripam Euphratis obvius non earn 
speciem insignium et armorum praetulit, ut diversi- 
tatem exprobraret. Maesti manipuli ac vicem eom- 
militonum miserantes ne lacrimis quidem temperare : 
vix prae fletu usurpata consalutatio. Decesserat 
certamen virtutis et ambitio gloriae, felicium homi- 
num adfectus : sola misericordia valebat, et apud 
minores magis. 

1 In his memoirs, to which, in spite of the caveat below, it iu 
probable that the portraits of Paetus and Corbulo owe rather 
too much of their light and shade. 

2 The regulation day's march in summer was twenty miles, 
or, in exceptional cases, twenty-four; after which, quidquid 
addideris iam cursus est, cuius spatium non potest defniri 
(Veget. I. 9). 

240 



BOOK XV. xv.-xvi. 

hack ; fur a rumour had gained currency that the 
bridge, by a ruse of the constructors, would suc- 
cumb beneath its burden. Those, however, who 
ventured upon it found it substantial and trust- 
worthy. 

XVI. For the rest, it is established that the 
beleaguered forces were so well supplied with corn 
that they set fire to their granaries ; while, on the 
other hand. Corbulo has put it on record 1 that the 
Parthians were on the point of raising the siege 
through the scarcity of supplies and the dwindling 
of their forage, and that he himself was not more 
than three days' mai-eh distant. He adds that a 
sworn guarantee was given bv Paetus, in face of the 
standards and in presence of witnesses deputed by 
the king, that not a Roman would enter Armenia 
until Nero's despatch came to hand intimating 
whether he assented to the peace. This version 
was doubtless composed to darken the disgrace, 
but to the rest of the tale no obscurity attaches : — - 
that in one day Paetus covered a distance of forty 
miles, 2 abandoning his wounded everywhere; and 
that the panic-stricken rush of fugitives was not less 
ugly than if thev had turned their backs on a field 
of battle. Corbulo, who met them with his own force 
on the bank of the Euphrates, made no such display 
of ensigns and arms as to turn the contrast into a 
reproach : the rank and file, gloomy and affected 
by the lot of their brother-soldiers, could not so much 
as restrain their tears ; the military salute could hardly 
be exchanged for weeping. All rivalry in valour 
and all competition for glory, emotions confined to 
the fortunate, had taken their leave : pity alone held 
sway — more particularly among the inferior ranks. 

241 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XVII. Ducum inter se brevis sermo secutus est, 
hoc conquerente 1 inritum laborem, potuisse bellurn 
fuga Parthorum finiri : ille integra utrique cuncta 
respondit : converterent aquilas et iuncti invaderent 
Armeniam abscessu Vologesis infirmatam. Non ea 
imperatoris habere mandata Corbulo : periculo 
legionum commotum e provincia egressum ; quando 
in incerto habeantur Parthorum conatus, Suriam 
repetiturum : sic quoque opt imam fortunam orandam, 
ut pedes confectus spatiis itinerum alacrem et facili- 
tate camporum praevenientem equitem adsequeretur. 
Exim Paetus per Cappadociam hibernavit : at 
Vologesis ad Corbulonem missi nuntii. detraheret 
eastella trans Euphraten amnemque, ut olim. 
medium faceret. file Armeniam quoque diversis 
praesidiis vacuam fieri expostulabat. Et postremo 
concessit rex : dirutaque quae Euphraten ultra 
communiverat Corbulo, et Armenii sine arbitro 
relicti sunt. 

XVIII. At Romae tropaea de Parthis arcusque 
medio Capitolini montis sistebantur, decreta ab 
senatu integro adhuc bello neque turn omissa, dum 
aspectui consulitur spreta conscientia. Quin et 
dissimulandis rerum externarum curis Nero fru- 
mentum plebis vetustate corruptum in Tiberim iecit, 

1 conquerente Faernus : conquerentium. 

1 By the dating followed in the notes, the reference here 
is to the winter already mentioned as impending (instante iam 
hiewc) in chap. 8, and the whole of the events related from that 
point of the narrative to this must have taken place in the 
brief interval. The assumption has its difficulties, but that 
considerable military operations were feasible in the neigh- 
bourhood of Nisibis, when they had ceased to be so in that of 
Artaxata, is shown by Plut. Luc. 32. 

242 



BOOK XV. xvn.-xvin. 

XVII. Between the leaders followed a brief conver- 
sation. Corbulo complaining that his labour had been 
wasted — " the campaign might have been settled 
by a Parthian flight." Paetus replied that with 
each of them the position was quite uncompromised ; 
they had only to turn the eagles round, join forces, 
and invade Armenia, now enfeebled by the with- 
drawal of Vologeses. Corbulo " had no orders to that 
effect from the emperor : only because he was moved 
by the danger of the legions had he left his province ; 
and, as the Parthian designs were quite uncertain, 
he would make his way back to Syria. Even so, 
he must pray for fortune to be at her kindest, if 
his infantry, outworn by their long marches, were to 
come up with active cavalry, almost sure to outstrip 
him along level and easy ground." Paetus then 
took up his winter quarters in Cappadocia t 1 Vologeses 
sent emissaries to Corbulo, proposing that he should 
withdraw his posts across the Euphrates and make 
the river as formerly a line of delimitation. The 
Roman demanded that Armenia should be similarlv 
cleared of the various scattered garrisons. In the 
long run, the king gave way: Corbulo demolished 
his defensive works beyond the Euphrates, and the 
Armenians were left to their own devices. 

XVIII. But at Rome trophies over the Parthians 
and arches were being erected in the middle of the 
Capitoline Hill : they had been voted by the senate 
while the issue of the war was still open, and now they 
were not abandoned — appearances being consulted, 
though known truth had to be ignored. Moreover, 
to cloak his uneasiness as to the situation abroad, 
Nero had the grain for the populace — which had been 
spoilt by age — thrown into the Tiber, as proof that 

243 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

quo securitatem anuonae ostentaret. 1 Cuius pretio 
nihil additum est, quamvis ducentas ferme naves 
portu in ipso violentia tempestatis et centum alias 
Tiberi subvectas fortuitus ignis absumpsisset. Tris 
dein consulares, L. Pisonem, Ducenium Geminum, 
Pompeium Paulinum vectigalibus publicis prae- 
posuit, cum insectatione priorum principum, qui 
gravitate sumptuum iustos reditus anteissent : se 
annuum sexcentiens sestertium rei publicae largiri. 

XIX. Percrebruerat ea tempestate pravissi7«M* 
mos, cum propinquis comitiis aut sorte provinciarum 
plerique orbi fictis adoptionibus adsciscerent filios, 
praeturasque et provincias inter patres sortiti statim 
emitterent manu, quos adoptaverant. . . .'- Magna 
cum invidia senatum adeunt. ius naturae, labores 
educandi adversus fraudem et artes et brevitatem 
adoptionis enumerant. Satis pretii esse orbis, quod 
multa securitate, nullis oneribus gratiam honores 
cuncta prompta et obvia haberent. Sibi promissa 
legum diu exspectata in ludibrium verti, quando 
quis sine sollicitudine parens, sine luctu orbus longa 

1 ostentaret Agricola : sustentaret. 

2 . . . Nipperdey. 

1 Not exactly at Ostia, where no serviceable harbour was 
possible through silting due to the Tiber, but in the remarkable 
partus Claudii (later, partus Romae; now Porto), two miles to 
the north. 

2 The expression seems to cover the whole revenues of the 
senatorial treasury. 

3 Occasional grants to the aerarium from the fiscus are fairly 
often mentioned: see, for instance, XIII. 31. Here the 
language points to a fixed annual contribution, as to which all 
details are lacking. 

4 In order to circumvent the lex Papia Poppa ea (9 a.d.), 

244 



BOOK XV. xviii.-xix. 

the corn-supply was not a matter for anxiety. The 
price was not raised, though some two hundred vessels 
actually in port 1 had been destroyed by a raging 
tempest, and a hundred more, which had made their 
way up the Tiber, by a chance outbreak of fire. He 
proceeded to appoint three consulars, Lucius Piso, 
Ducenius Geminus, and Pompeius Paulinus, to 
supervise the contributions to the national treasury, 2 
adding a stricture on the previous emperors, " who 
with their ruinous expenditure had forestalled the 
legal revenue : personally, he was making the state 
a yearly present of sixty million sesterces." 3 

XIX. There was a perverse custom in vogue at 
that period for childless candidates, shortly before 
an election or an allotment of provinces, to procure 
themselves sons by fictitious acts of adoption, 4 then, 
after obtaining in their quality of fathers a praetorship 
or governorship, to emancipate immediately the 
adopted persons. <The consequence was that the 
authentic heads of families)* made an embittered 
appeal to the senate. They dwelt on the rights of 
nature — the anxieties entailed by rearing children 
— as against the calculated frauds and ephemeral 
character of adoption. " It was ample compensation 
for the childless that, almost without a care and 
quite without responsibilities, they should have 
influence, honours, anything and everything, ready 
to their hand. In their own case, the promises of 
the law, for which they had waited so long, were 
converted into a mockery, when some person who 
had known parenthood without anxiety and childless- 
ness without bereavement could overtake in a moment 

which gave priority to the father of a family over a childless 
competitor. See III. 25-28 and the instance in II. 51. 

2 45 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

patrum vota repente adaequaret. Factum ex en 
senatus consultum, ne simulata adoptio in ulla parte 
muneris publici iuvaret ac ne usurpandis quidem 
hereditatibus prodesset. 

XX. Exim Claudius Timarchm Cretensis reus 
agitur, ceteris criminibus, ut solent praevalidi pro- 
vincialium et opibus nimiis ad iniurias minorum elati : 
una vox eius usque ad contumeliam senatus pene- 
traverat, quod dictitasset in sua potestate situm, an 
proconsulibus, qui Cretan) obtinuissent, grates 
agerentur. Quam occasionem Paetus Thrasea ad 
bonum publicum vertens, postquam de reo censuerat 
provincia Creta depellendum, haec addidit : — " Ysu 
probatum est, patres conscripti. leges egregias. 
exempla honesta apud bonos ex delictis aliorum 
gigni. Sic oratorum licentia Cinciam rogationem, 
candidatorum ambitus Iulias leges, magistratuum 
avaritia Calpurnia scita pepererunt : nam culpa 
quam poena tempore prior, emendari quam peccare 
posterius est. Ergo adversus novam provincialium 
superbiam dignum fide constantiaque Romana eapia- 
mus consilium, quo tutelae sociorum nihil derogetur, 
nobis opinio decedat, qualis quisque habeatur. alibi 
quam in civium iudicio esse. 

1 Celibates were prohibited by the lex Papia Poppaea from 
entering upon any bequest except from a relative within a 
specified degree of nearness : married but childless legatees 
received half the amount bequeathed. 

2 For the lex Cincia, see XI. 5 n. ; for the leges Iuliae of 
Augustus (the plural seems to be only rhetorical), Suet. Aug. 
34. The lex Calpurnia de repetundis was passed in 149 B.C. 

246 



BOOK XV. xix.-xx. 

the long-cherished hopes of genuine fathers." A 
senatorial decree was thereupon passed, ruling that 
a feigned adoption should not be a qualification 
for public office in any form, nor even a valid title 
for the acquiry of an inheritance. 1 

XX. Now came the trial of the Cretan, Claudius 
Timarchus. The rest of the charges were those usual 
in the case of provincial magnates, whose excessive 
wealth prompts them to oppress their inferiors ; 
but one remark of his had gone far enough to con- 
stitute an insult to the senate, as he was reported to 
have said more than once that it rested within his 
competency to determine whether the proconsuls 
who had been administering Crete should receive 
the thanks of the province. Turning the occasion 
to the profit of the state, Thrasea Paetus, after 
giving his opinion that the defendant should be 
exiled from Crete, proceeded : — " It has been proved 
by experience, Conscript Fathers, that in a com- 
munity of honourable men excellent laws and 
salutary precedents may have their rise in the de- 
linquencies of others. So, the licence of the advocates 
bore fruit in the Cincian rogation ; the corruption 
of candidates, in the Julian laws ; and the cupidity of 
officials, in the Calpurnian plebiscites ; 2 for, in the 
order of time, the fault must precede the chastise- 
ment, the reform follow the abuse. Let us. then, 
meet this new development of provincial arrogance 
by framing a decision consonant with Roman honour 
and firmness : a decision which, without detriment 
to the protection we owe to our allies, shall disabuse 
us of the idea that the reputation of a Roman may 
be settled elsewhere than in the judgement of his 
countrymen. 

247 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XXI. Olim quidem non modo praetor aut consul, 
sed privati etiam mittebantur, qui provincias viserent 
et quid de cuiusque obsequio videretur referrent, 
trepidabantque gentes de aestimatione singulorum : 
at nunc colimus externos et adulamur, et quo modo 
ad nutum alicuius grates, ita promptius accusatio 
decernitur. Decernaturque et maneat provinciali- 
bus his potentiam * suam tali modo ostentandi : sed 
laus falsa et precibus expressa perinde cohibeatur 
quam malitia, quam crudelitas. Plura saepe pec- 
cantur, dum demeremur quam dum offendimus. 
Quaedam immo virtutes odio sunt, severitas ob- 
stinata, invictus adversum gratiam animus. Inde 
initia magistratuum nostrorum meliora ferme et 
finis inclinat, dum in modum candidatorum suff'ragia 
conquirimus : quae si arceantur, aequabilius atque 
constantius provinciae regentur. Nam ut metu 
repetundarum infracta avaritia est, ita vetita gratia- 
rum actione ambitio cohibebitur." 

XXII. Magno adsensu celebrata sententia, non 
tamen senatus consultum perfici potuit, abnuentibus 
consulibus ea de re relatum. Mox auctore principe 
sanxere, ne quis ad concilium sociorum referret 
agendas apud senatum pro praetoribus prove con- 
sulibus gratis, neu quis ea legatione fungeretur. 

Isdem consulibus gymnasium ictu fulminis con- 

1 <ius> potentiam A. Schmidt : potentiam Med., pote- 
<stas sente>ntiam Madvig. 

1 Furneaux instances the cases of Pilate. Herod Agrippa 
{Acts xii. 2), Felix (XXIV. 27), Festus (XXV. 9). 
- XIV. 47 n. 

248 



BOOK XV. xx i. -xxii. 

XXI. " There was a day, indeed, when we sent 
not merely a praetor or a consul, but private citizens, 
to visit the provinces and report upon the loyalty 
of each ; and nations awaited in trepidation the 
verdict of an individual. But now we court foreigners ; 
we flatter them ; and, as at the nod of one or other 
among them, there is decreed a vote of thanks, so — 
with more alacrity — is decreed an impeachment. 
And let it be decreed! Leave the provincials the 
right to advertise their power in that fashion ; but 
see that these hollow compliments, elicited by the 
entreaties of the receiver, are repressed as sternly 
as knavery or cruelty. Often we go further astray 
while we oblige than while we offend. 1 In fact, 
certain virtues are a ground for hatred — unbending 
strictness and a breast impregnable to favouritism. 
Hence, the early days of our officials are usually the 
best ; the falling off is at the end, when we begin, 
like candidates, to cast about for votes ; and if that 
practice is vetoed, the provinces will be governed 
with more steadiness and consistency. For as 
rapacity has been tamed by fear of a trial for extortion, 
so will canvassing for popularity* be curbed by the 
prohibition of votes of thanks." 

XXII. The proposal was greeted with loud assent : 
it proved impossible, however, to complete a decree, 
as the consuls declined to admit that there was a 
motion on the subject. Later, at the suggestion 
of the emperor, a rule was passed that no person 
should at a provincial diet propose the presentation 
in the senate of an address of thanks to a Caesarian 
or senatorial governor, and that no one should under- 
take the duties of such a deputation. 

In the same consulate, the Gymnasium 2 w-as struck 

249 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Hagravit, effigiesque in eo Neronis ad informe aes 
liquefacta. Et motu terrae celebre Campaniae 
oppidura Pompei magna ex parte proruit. De- 
functaque virgo Vestalis Laelia, in cuius locum 
Cornelia ex familia Cossorum capta est. 

XXIII. Memmio Regulo et Verginio Rufo consuli- 
bus natam sibi ex Poppaea filiam Nero ultra mortale 
gaudium accepit appellavitque Augustam dato et 
Poppaeae eodem cognomento. Locus puerperio 
colonia Antium fuit, ubi ipse generatus erat. lam 
senatus uterum Poppaeae commendaverat dis vota- 
que publice susceperat, quae multiplicata exsoluta- 
que. Et additae supplicationes templumque Fe- 
cunditati et certamen ad exemplar Actiacae religionis 
decretum, utque Fortunarum effigies aureae in solio 
Capitolini Iovis locarentur, ludicrum circense, ut 
Iuliae genti apud Bovillas, ita Claudiae Domitiaeque 
apud Antium ederetur. Quae fluxa fuere, quartum 
intra mensem defuncta infante. Ptursusque exortae 
adulationes censentium honorem divae et pulvinar 
aedemque et sacerdotem. Atque ipse ut laetitiae, 



1 Seneca, writing shortly after the event, gives the date as 
Feb. 5, 63 a.d. {Regulo et Verginio consulibus, N.Q. VI. 1). 

2 Son or nephew of the more notable P. Memrnius Regulus 
(V. 11 n.). 

3 The famous legatus of Upper Germany, who, after crushing 
the rising of Vindex, " imperium asseruit, non sibi sed patriae.'''' 
Consul for the third time in 97 a.d. — id summum fastigium 
privati hominis impleret, cum principis noluisset, says the 
younger Pliny, once his ward — he was succeeded in the office 
by Tacitus, who pronounced his funeral panegyric. 

4 Quinquennial games, athletic and musical, instituted by 
Augustus to commemorate his victory at Actium (Sept. '1, 
31 B.C.), and celebrated at Nicopolis (II. 53 n.). They ranked, 
like the four national festivals of Greece, as a tepos aywv. 

250 



BOOK XV. XXH.-XXIH. 

by lightning and burned to the ground, a statue of 
Nero, which it contained, being melted into a shape- 
less piece of bronze. An earthquake also demolished 
to a large extent the populous Campanian town of 
Pompeii ; x and the debt of nature was paid by the 
Vestal Virgin Laelia, whose place was filled by the 
appointment of Cornelia, from the family of the Cossi. 

XXIII. In the consulate of Memmius Regulus 2 and a.v.c s: 
Verginius Rufus, 3 Nero greeted a daughter, presented A u ' 63 
to him by Poppaea, with more than human joy, 
named the child Augusta, and bestowed the same 
title on Poppaea. The scene of her delivery was 
the colony of Antium, where the sovereign himself 
had seen the light. The senate had already com- 
mended the travail of Poppaea to the care of Heaven 
and formulated vows in the name of the state: they 
were now multiplied and paid. Public thanks- 
givings were added, and a Temple of Fertility was 
decreed, together with a contest on the model of 
the Actian festival ; 4 while golden effigies of the Two 
Fortunes 5 were to be placed on the throne of Capito- 
line Jove, and, as the Julian race had its Circus Games 
at Bovillae, 6 so at Antium should the Claudian and 
Domitian houses. But all was transitory, as the 
infant died in less than four months. Then fresh 
forms of adulation made their appearance, and she 
was voted the honour of deification, a place in the 
pulvinar, 7 a temple, and a priest. The emperor, 

5 The two Fortwnae A ntiates, regarded as sisters. Their cult, 
associated with an oracle, appears to have persisted till the 
time of Theodosius (Macrob. Sat. I. 23). 

6 II. 41 n. 

7 Her image was to rank with those of other divinities at 
leclisternia. 

251 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

ita maeroris inmodicus egit. Adnotatum est, omni 
senatu Antium sub recentem partum effuso, Thra- 
seam prohibitum inmoto animo praenuntiam inmi- 
nentis caedis contumeliam excepisse. Secutam dehinc 
vocem Caesaris ferunt qua reconciliatum se Thraseae 
apud Senecamiactaverit, ac Senecam Caesari gratula- 
tum : unde gloria egregiis viris et pericula gliscebant. 

XXIV. Inter quae veris principio legati Parthorum 
mandata regis Vologesis litterasque in eandem 
formam attulere : se priora et totiens iactata super 
optinenda Armenia nunc omittere, quoniam di, 
quamvis potentium populorum arbitri, possessionem 
Parthis non sine ignominia Romana tradidissent. 
Nuper clausum Tigranen ; post Paetum legionesque, 
cum opprimere posset, incolumis dimisisse. Satis 
adprobatam vim ; datum et lenitatis experimentum. 
Nee recusaturum Tiridaten accipiendo diademati in 
urbem venire, nisi sacerdotii religione attineretur. 
Iturum ad signa et effigies principis, ubi legionibus 
coram regnum auspicaretur. 

XXV. Talibus Vologesis litteris, quia Paetus 
diversa tamquam rebus integris scribebat, interro- 
gate centurio, qui cum legatis advenerat, quo in 
statu Armenia esset, omnis inde Romanos excessisse 
respondit. Turn intellecto barbarum inrisu, qui 



1 As a Magian he objected to crossing the sea, quoniam 
expuere in maria aliisque mortalium necessitatibus violate 
rmturam enmfas non putant (Piin. H.N . XXX. 2, 16). 

- See chap. 29 below. 

252 



BOOK XV. xxni. -wv. 

too, showed himself as incontinent in sorrow as in joy. 
It was noted that when the entire senate streamed 
towards Antium shortly after the birth, Thrasea, 
who was forbidden to attend, received the affront, 
prophetic of his impending slaughter, without 
emotion. Shortly afterwards, they say, came a re- 
mark of the Caesar, in which he boasted to Seneca 
that he was reconciled to Thrasea ; and Seneca con- 
gratulated the Caesar : an incident which increased 
the fame, and the dangers, of those eminent men. 

XXIV. Meanwhile, at the beginning of spring, 
a Parthian legation brought a message from King 
Vologeses and a letter to the same purport : — " He 
was now dropping his earlier and often-vented claims 
to the possession of Armenia, since the gods, arbiters 
of the fate of nations however powerful, had trans- 
ferred the ownership to Parthia, not without some 
humiliation to Rome. Only recently he had be- 
sieged Tigranes : a little later, when he might have 
crushed them, he had released Paetus and the 
legions with their lives. He had sufficiently demon- 
strated his power ; he had also given an example 
of his clemency. Nor would Tiridates have declined 
to come to Rome and receive his diadem, were he not 
detained by the scruples attaching to his priesthood ; x 
he would visit the standards and the effigies of the 
emperor, there to inaugurate his reign in the presence 
of the legions." 2 

XXV. As this missive from Vologeses could not be 
reconciled with Paetus' report, which spoke of the 
situation as still uncompromised, the centurion who 
had arrived with the deputies was examined on the 
condition of Armenia, and replied that all Romans had 
left the country. The irony of the barbarians in 

2 53 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

peierent quod eripuerant, consuluit inter priuiores 
civitatis Nero, bellum anceps an pax inhonesta 
placeret. Nee dubitatum de bello. Et Corbulo 
militum atque hostium tot per annos gnarus gerendae 
rei praeficitur, ne cuius alterius inscitia rursum 
peccaretur, quia Paeti piguerat. Igitur inriti re- 
mittuntur, cum donis tamen, unde spes fieret non 
frustra eadem oraturum Tiridaten, si preces ipse 
attulisset. Suriaeque executio 1 C. Cestio, 2 copiae 
militares Corbuloni permissae. et quinta decuma legio 
ducente Mario Celso e Pannonia adiecta est. Scribi- 
tur tetrarchis ac regibus praefectisque et procura- 
toribus et qui praetorum rinitimas provincias rege- 
bant, iussis Corbulonis obsequi. in tantum ferme 
modum aucta potestate, quern populus Romanus 
Cn. Pompeio bellum piraticum gesturo dederat. 
Regressum Paetum, cum graviora metueret, facetiis 
insectari satis habuit Caesar, his ferme verbis: 
ignoscere se station, ne tarn promptus in pavorem 
longiore solicitudine aegresceret. 

XXVI. At Corbulo quarta et duodecuma legioni- 
bus, quae fortissimo quoque amisso et ceteris exterri- 

1 executio] iurisdictio Aladvig. 

2 <C> Nipperdey, Cestio Pighius : citio. 

1 Probably son of the previous year's consul. He served 
first Galba, then Otho, with equal courage, ability and honour, 
and was allowed his consulate even by Vitellius (Hist. I— II. 
passim.). 

- Vassal princes below the rank of the " kings " — for whom 
see XIII. 7, XIV. 6. The " prefects" are the commanders of 
cohortes and alrie in the smaller provinces ; the " procurators," 
the governors of Judaea and Cappadocia. The term " praetors " 
includes the governors of the more important provinces — not 
only the legati pro praetore of Cilicia, Lycia, Pamphylia and 

«54 



BOOK XV. xxv.-xxvi. 

asking for what had been taken was now obvious, 
and Nero held a council of state to decide the choice 
between a hazardous war and an ignominious peace. 
There was no hesitation about the verdict for war. 
Corbulo, familiar for years with his troops and his 
enemy, was put at the head of operations, lest there 
should be a fresh blunder from the incompetence 
of another substitute, seeing that Paetus had in- 
spired complete disgust. The deputation was there- 
fore sent back with its purpose unachieved, but with 
presents leaving room for hope that Tiridates would 
not make the same requests in vain, if he brought 
his suit in person. The administration of Syria was 
entrusted to Gaius Cestius, the military forces to 
Corbulo, with the addition of the fifteenth legion 
from Pannonia under the command of Marius Celsus. 1 
Instructions in writing were given to the tetrarchs - 
and kings, the prefects and procurators, and the prae- 
tors in charge of the neighbouring provinces, to take 
their orders from Corbulo, whose powers were 
raised to nearly the same level as that allowed by 
the Roman nation to Pompey for the conduct of 
the Pirate War. 3 When Paetus returned, with 
apprehensions of a graver cast, the Caesar contented 
himself with a jocular reprimand, the wording of 
which was roughly, that " he was pardoning him on 
the spot, lest a person with such a tendency to panic 
might fall ill if his suspense were protracted." 

XXVI. Meanwhile Corbulo, who regarded the 
fourth and twelfth legions as incapacitated for active 
service by the loss of their bravest men and the 

Galatia, but also the proconsul of Bithynia, a senatorial pro- 
vince administered by an ex-praetor. 
3 In 67 B.C. 

255 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

tis parum habiles proelio videbantur, in Suriam 
translatis, sextam inde ac tertiam legiones, integrum 
militem et crebris ac prosperis laboribus exercitum, 
in Armenian! ducit. Addiditque legionem quintam, 
quae per Pontum agens expers cladis fuerat, simul 
quintadecumanos recens adductos et vexilla de- 
lectorum ex Illyrico et Aeg} T pto, quodque alarum 
cohortiumque, et auxilia regum in unum eonducta 
apud Melitenen, qua tramittere Euphraten parabat. 
Turn lustratum rite exercitum ad contionem vocat 
orditurque rnagnifica de auspiciis imperatoris re- 
busque a se gestis, adversa in inscitiam Paeti 
declinans, multa auctoritate, quae viro militari pro 
facundia erat. 

XXVII. Mox iter L. Lucullo quondam penetratum, 
apertis quae vetustas obsaepserat, pergit. Et 
venientis Tiridatis Vologesisque de pace legatos 
haud aspernatus, adiungit iis centuriones cum 
mandatis non inmitibus : nee enim adhuc eo ventum, 
ut certamine extremo opus esset. Multa Romanis 
secunda, quaedam Parthis evenisse, documento 
adversus superbiam. Proinde et Tiridati conducere 
intactum vastationibus regnum dono accipere, et 
Vologesen melius societate Romana quam damnis 
mutuis genti Parthorum consulturum. Scire, quan- 

1 In his advance on Tigranocerta in 69 B.C. His route is onl}- 
vaguely indicated in Plut. Luc. 24 fin. 

256 



BOOK XV. xxvi.-xxvii. 

demoralization of the rest, transferred them to 
Syria ; whence he took the sixth and third legions, 
fresh troops, seasoned by numerous and successful 
labours, and led them into Armenia. He reinforced 
them with the fifth, which through being stationed 
in Pontus had escaped the disaster ; also with the 
men of the fifteenth, recently brought up, and picked 
detachments from Illyricum and Egypt ; with the 
whole of the allied horse and foot ; and with the 
auxiliaries of the tributary princes, concentrated 
at Melitene, where he was making ready for the 
passage of the Euphrates. Then, after the usual 
lustration, he convoked the army for an address, 
and opened with a florid reference to the auspices 
of the emperor and his own exploits, the reverses 
being attributed to the incompetence of Paetus : 
all with a weight which in a professional soldier was 
a fair substitute for eloquence. 

XXVII. Soon, he took the road along which Lucius 
Lucullus had once penetrated, 1 first clearing the 
parts which time had obstructed. On the arrival of 
envoys from Vologeses and Tiridates to discuss a 
peace, instead of rejecting their overtures, he sent 
back in their company a few centurions with in- 
structions not unconciliatory in tone : — " For matters 
had not yet come to a pass where war to the bitter 
end was necessary. Rome had been favoured with 
many successes, Parthia with a few, so that both had 
received a lesson against arrogance. Not only, 
therefore, was it to the advantage of Tiridates to 
accept the free gift of a realm untouched by the 
ravager, but Vologeses would better consult the 
interest of the Parthian nation by an alliance with 
Rome than by a policy of reciprocal injury. He 

257 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

turn intus discordiarum quamque indomitas et 
praeferoces nationes regeret : contra imperatori suo 
immotam ubique pacem et unum id bellum esse. 
Simul consilio terrorem adicere, et megistanes 
Armenios. qui primi a nobis defecerant, pellit sedibus, 
eastella eorum excindit, plana edita, validos invalidos- 
que pari metu complet. 

XXVIII. Non infensum nee cum hostili odio 
Corbulonis nomen etiam barbaris habebatur, eoque 
consilium eius fidum credebant. Ergo Vologeses 
neque atrox in summam, et quibusdam praefecturis 
indutias petit : Tiridates locum diemque conloquio 
poscit. Tempus propinquum, locus, in quo nuper 
obsessae cum Paeto legiones erant, barbaris 1 de- 
lectus est ob memoriam laetioris ibi 2 rei, Corbulom' 3 
non vitatus ut dissimilitude fortunae gloriam augeret. 
Neque infamia Paeti angebatur, quod eo maxime 
patuit, quia filio eius tribuno ducere manipulos atque 
operire reliquias malae pugnae imperavit. Die 
pacta Tiberius Alexander, inlustris eques Romanus, 
minister bello datus, et Viniaanus Annius, gener 
Corbulonis, nondum senatoria aetate, set pro legato 

1 barbaris Doederlein : cum barbaris. 

2 laetioris ibi] laetiori sibi Med. 1 , laetioris sibi Med. 

3 Corbuloni Agricola : Corbulo. 



1 XI. 9 n. 

2 Ti. Julius Alexander, nephew of Philo Judaeus, but a 
pagan; procurator of Judaea in 46 a.d., prefect of Egypt 
twenty-one years later; took the initiative in proclaiming 
Vespasian (July 1, 69 a.d.); lieutenant-general of Titus at the 
sieeg of Jerusalem. He is the " Arabarches " — cuius ad effigiem 
non tanlum meiere fas est — of Juv. I. 30, though the title in 
reality was borne by his father Alexander Lysimachus. 

258 



BOOK XV. xxvii.-xxviii. 

knew how many were the internal discords of his 
kingdom — how intractable and fierce the peoples 
over whom he ruled. In contrast, his own emperor 
enjoyed unshaken peace everywhere, and this was 
his solitary war." At the same time, he reinforced 
persuasion by terror, expelled from their homes the 
Armenian grandees who had been the first to rebel 
against us, and razed their strongholds, filling plain and 
mountain, strong and weak, with equal consternation. 
XXVIII. The name of Corbulo was regarded by 
the barbarians themselves without bitterness and 
with no rancour of hostility : consequently they 
believed his advice to be trustworthy. Hence 
Vologeses, without showing himself inexorable on 
the main question, asked for a truce for certain pre- 
fectures : x Tiridates demanded a place and day for 
an interview. The date was to be early ; for the 
place, the scene of the recent investment of Paetus 
and the legions was chosen by the barbarians in 
memory of their success there ; and it was not 
avoided by Corbulo, who wished the contrast in 
fortune to enhance his fame. The slur upon Paetus 
gave him no qualms, as was very clearly shown by 
the fact that he ordered the defeated general's son, 
a tribune, to put himself at the head of a few maniples 
and bury the relics of the disastrous field. On the 
day fixed upon, Tiberius Alexander, 2 a Roman knight 
of the first rank, who had been appointed a com- 
missioner for the campaign, and Annius Vinicianus, 3 
a son-in-law of Corbulo, still under senatorial age, 4 

3 Sent later to Rome in attendance on Tiridates, and per- 
haps implicated in the obscure "Vinician conspiracy " at 
Beneventum (Suet. Ner. 36). 

4 Twenty-five years. — A leyntns legionis was necessarily 
a senator, usually an ex-praetor. 

259 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

quintae legioni inpositus, in castra Tiridatis venere, 
honori eius ac ne metueret insidias tali pignore ; 
viceni dehinc equites adsumpti. Et viso Corbulone 
rex prior equo desiluit ; nee cunctatus Corbulo, sed 
pedes uterque dexteras miscuere. 

XXIX. Exim Romanus laudat iuvenem omissis 
praecipitibus tuta et salutaria capessentem. Ille 
de nobilitate generis multum praefatus, cetera 
temperanter adiungit : iturum quippe Romam latu- 
rumque novum Caesari decus, non adversis Par- 
thorum rebus supplicem Arsaciden. Turn placuit 
Tiridaten ponere apud effigiem Caesaris insigne 
regiurn nee nisi manu Neronis resumere ; et eon- 
loquium osculo finitum. Dein paucis diebus inter- 
iectis, magna utrimque specie, inde eques compositus 
per turmas et insignibus patriis, hinc agmina legio- 
num stetere fulgentibus aquilis signisque et simulacris 
deum in modum templi : medio tribunal sedem 
curulem et sedes effigiem Neronis sustinebat. Ad 
quam progressus Tiridates, caesis ex more victimis, 
sublatum capiti diadema imagini subiecit. magnis 
apud cunctos animorum motibus, quos augebat 
insita adhuc oculis exercituum Romanorum caedes 
aut obsidio. At nunc versos casus : iturum Tiridaten 

ostentui gentibus, quanto minus quam captivum? 

260 



BOOK XV. xxviii.-xxix. 

and acting legate in command of the fifth legion, 
entered the camp of Tiridates, partly out of compli- 
ment to him, but also, by such a pledge, to remove all 
fear of treachery. On each side twenty mounted 
men were then taken into attendance. On des- 
crying Corbulo, the king was the first to leap from his 
horse ; Corbulo was not slow to follow, and the pair 
clasped hands on foot. 

XXIX. The Roman then praised the young monarch, 
who had rejected adventure and was choosing the 
safe and salutary course : the other, after a long pre- 
face on the nobility of his family, proceeded temper- 
ately : — " He would go," he said, " to Rome and 
carry the Caesar a new distinction — an Arsacid in the 
guise of a suppliant, though the fortunes of Parthia 
were unclouded." It was then arranged that Tiri- 
dates should lay the emblem of his rovalty before the 
statue of the emperor, to resume it only from the hand 
of Nero ; and the dialogue was closed by a kiss. Then, 
after a few days' interval, came an impressive pageant 
on both sides : on the one hand, cavalry ranged in 
squadrons and carrying their national decorations ; 
on the other, columns of legionaries standing amid 
a glitter of eagles and standards and effigies of gods 
which gave the scene some resemblance to a temple : 
in the centre, the tribunal sustained a curule chair, 
and the chair a statue of Nero. To this Tiridates 
advanced, and. after the usual sacrifice of victims, 
lifted the diadem from his head and placed it at the 
feet of the image ; arousing among all present a deep 
emotion increased by the picture of the slaughter 
or siege of Roman armies which was still imprinted 
on their eyes: — "But now the tide had turned: 
Tiridates was about to depart (how little less than a 
captive !) to be a gazing-stock to the nations ! " 

261 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XXX. Addidit gloriae Corbulo comitatem epulas- 
que ; et rogitante rege causas, quotiens novum 
aliquid adverterat, ut initia vigiliarum per centuri- 
onem nuntiari, convivium bucina dimitti et structam 
ante augurale aram subdita face accendi, cuncta in 
maius attollens admiratione prisci moris adfecit. 
Postero die spatium oravit, quo tantum itineris 
aditurus fratres ante matremque viseret ; obsidem 
interea filiam tradit litterasque supplices ad Xeronem. 

XXXI. Et digressus Paeorum apud Medos, Yolo- 
gesen Ecbatanis repperit, non incuriosum fratris : 
quippe et propriis nuntiis a Corbulone petierat, ne 
quam imaginem servitii Tiridates perferret neu 
ferrum traderet aut eomplexu provincias optinentium 
arceretur foribusve eorum adsisteret, tantusque ei 
Romae quantus consulibus honor esset. Scilicet 
externae superbiae sueto non inerat notitia nostri, 
apud quos vis imperii valet, inania tramittuntur. 

XXXII. Eodem anno Caesar nationes Alpium 
maritimarum in ius Latii transtulit. Equitum 
Piomanorum locos sedilibus plebis anteposuit apud 
circum ; namque ad earn diem indiscreti inibant, 

1 In his own kingdom : see chap. 2 n. 

2 The summer residence of the Arsacids, in Greater Media ; 
now Hamadan. 

3 The national sabre — Medus aciruices. Tiridates contrived 
to retain it even in the presence of Nero, though he first gave 
security for his intentions by nailing the blade to the scabbard 
(IX Cass. LXIII. 2 fin.). 

4 A diminutive procuratorial province, dating from 14 B.C. 
and lying north of Nice on each side of the Var. 

5 A partial citizenship, which had ceased since the Social 
War to exist in Italy but was valued in the provinces as a stage 
towards the full franchise. 

6 Claudius propria senatoribu.s constituit loca, promisee 
spectare colitis (Suet. Claud. 21 ; D. Cass. LX. 1), and Nero 

262 



BOOK XV. xxx. -xxxii. 

XXX. To his glories Corbulo added courtesy and 
a banquet ; and upon the inquiries of the king, 
whenever he observed some novelty — the announce- 
ment, for instance, by a centurion of the beginning 
of the watches ; the dismissal of the company by 
bugle-note; the application of a torch to fire the 
altar raised in front of the general's pavilion — he 
so far exaggerated each point as to inspire him with 
admiration for our ancient customs. On the next 
day, Tiridates applied for a respite in which to visit 
his brothers and his mother before embarking upon 
so long a journey : in the interval, he handed over 
his daughter as a hostage, together with a letter of 
petition to Nero. 

XXXI. On his departure, he found Pacorus in 
Media 1 and Vologeses at Ecbatana 2 — the latter not 
inattentive to his brother ; for he had even requested 
Corbulo by special couriers that Tiridates should be 
exposed to none of the outward signs of vassalage, 
should not give up his sword, 3 should not be debarred 
from embracing the provincial governors or be left 
to stand and wait at. their doors, and in Rome should 
receive equal distinction with the consuls. Evidently, 
accustomed as he was to foreign pride, he lacked all 
knowledge of ourselves who prize the essentials of 
sovereignty and ignore its vanities. 

XXXII. In the same year, the Caesar placed the 
tribes of the Maritime Alps 4 in possession of Latin 
privileges. 5 To the Roman knights he assigned a 
place in the Circus in front of the popular seats — 
up to that date, the orders entered indiscriminately 6 

now does as much for the knights : the lex Roscia (VI. 3 n.) 
applied only to the theatre. 

263 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

quia lex Roscia nihil nisi de quattuordecim ordinibus 
sanxit. Spectacula gladiatorum idem annus habuit 
pari magnificentia ac priora ; sed feminarum in- 
lustrium senatorumque plures per arenam foedati 
sunt. 

XXXIII. C. Laecanio M. Licinio consulibus 
acriore in dies cupidine adigebatur Nero promiscas 
scaenas frequentandi. Nam adhuc per domum aut 
hortos cecinerat 1 Iuvenalibus ludis, quos ut parum 
celebres et tantae voci angustos spernebat. Non 
tamen Romae incipere ausus Neapolim quasi Grae- 
cam urbem delegit : inde initium fore, ut trans- 
gressus in Aehaiam insignisque et antiquitus saeras 
coronas adeptus maiore fama studia civium eliceret. 
Ergo contraetum oppidanorum vulgus, et quos e 
proximis coloniis et muncipiis eius rei fama acciverat, 
quique Caesarem per honorem aut varios usus 
sectantur, etiam militum manipuli, theatrum Nea- 
politanorum eomplent. 

XXXIV. Illic, plerique ut arbitrabantur, triste, ut 
ipse, providum potius et secundis numinibus evenit : 
nam egresso qui adfuerat populo vacuum et sine 
ullius noxa theatrum conlapsum est. Ergo per 
conpositos cantus grates dis atque ipsam recentis 
casus fortunam celebrans petiturusque maris Hadriae 

1 cecinerat <aut> Haase. 

1 In his private theatre (XIV. 15 init.). 

2 " Celestial," according to his admirers (XVI. 22) ; " weak 
and husky," according to Dio and Suetonius (LXI. 20; Ner. 
20). The Philostratean Nero, printed with Lucian, is more 
judicial : — Met). 'H <j>u)ir] 84, 'M.ovawvic, 8t fjv ^ovaofiavei . . ., 
ttu>s e x €l T V Tvpaww ; . . . Mono. 'AAA' e/ceii'os' ye, u> Meve- 
Kpares, ovre OavfjLaoiws «X €t T0 ^ <f>8typa.T05 ovre yeXoiws kt4. 

3 The town was a foundation of the Chalcidian colony 

264 



BOOK XV. xxxn.-xxxiv. 

x the provisions of the Roseian law applied only to 

", " fourteen rows." The same year witnessed 

Dttber of gladiatorial shows, equal in magnificence 

,u cheir predecessors, though more women of rank 

and senators disgraced themselves in the arena. 

XXXIII. In the consulate of Gaius Laecanius a.v.c. 8] 
and Marcus Licinius, a desire that grew every day 
sharper impelled Nero to appear regularly on the 
public stage — hitherto he had sung in his palace or 

his gardens at the Juvenile Games, 1 which now he 
began to scorn as thinly attended functions, too 
circumscribed for so ample a voice. 2 Not daring, 
however, to take the first step at Rome, he fixed 
upon Naples as a Greek city : 3 after so much preface, 
he reflected, he might cross into Achaia, win the 
glorious and time-hallowed crowns of song, and then, 
with heightened reputation, elicit the plaudits of his 
countrymen. Accordingly, a mob which had been 
collected from the town, together with spectators 
drawn by rumours of the event from the neighbouring 
colonies and municipalities, the suite which attends 
the emperor whether in compliment or upon various 
duties, and, in addition, a few maniples of soldiers, 
filled the Neapolitan theatre. 

XXXIV. There an incident took place, sinister 
in the eyes of many, providential and a mark of 
divine favour in those of the sovereign ; for, after 
the audience had left, the theatre, now empty, 
collapsed without injury to anyone. Therefore, 
celebrating in a set of verses his gratitude to Heaven, 
together with the happy course of the late accident, 
Nero — now bent on crossing the Adriatic — came to 

Cumae, and retained some of its Greek characteristics even 
into the Middle Ages. 

265 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

traiectus apud Beneventurn interim consedit, ubi 
gladiatorium munus a Vatinio celebre edebatur. 
Vatinius inter foedissima eius aulae ostenta fuit, 
sutrinae tabernae alumnus, corpore detorto, facetiis 
scurrilibus ; primo in contumelias adsumptus, dehinc 
optimi cuiusque criminatione eo usque valuit, ut 
gratia, pecunia, vi nocendi etiam malos praemineret. 

XXXV. Eius munus frequentanti Neroni ne inter 
voluptates quidem a sceleribus cessabatur. Isdem 
quippe illis diebus Torquatus Silanus mori adigitur, 
quia super Iuniae familiae claritudinem divum 
Augustum abavum ferebat. Iussi accusatores ob- 
icere prodigum largitionibus, neque aliam spem 
quam in rebus novis esse : quin inter libertos i 
habere, quos ab epistulis et libellis et rationibus 
appellet. nomina summae curae et meditamenta. 
Turn intinius quisque libertorum vincti abreptique. 
Et cum damnatio instaret, brachiorum venas Torqua- 
tus interscidit. Seeutaque Neronis oratio ex more, 
quamvis sontem et defensioni merito diffisum 
vieturum tamen fuisse. si clementiam iudicis 
exspectasset. 

XXXVI. Nee multo post omissa in praesens Achaia 
(causae in incerto fuere) urbem revisit, provincias 
Orientis, maxime Aegyptum, secretis imaginationibus 

1 quin inter libertos Andresen : quine inno biles Med., alii 
alia. 

1 In Sainnium on the Appian Way, by which Nero was 
travelling to Brundisium. 

2 Little else is known of him : see Hist. 1. 37, Dial. 11, D. 
Cass. LXIII. 15. His name was attached to a cheap and pre- 
sumably grotesque type of calix (Juv. V. 4-0; Mart. X. 3. 
XIV. 96). 

3 XII. 58 n. 4 See XI. 29, with the notes, and XVI. 8. 

266 



BOOK XV. xxxiv. xxxvi. 

rest for the moment at Beneventum ; 1 where a 
largely attended gladiatorial spectacle was being 
exhibited by Vatinius. Vatinius ranked among the 
foulest prodigies of that court ; the product of a 
shoemaker's shop, endowed with a misshapen body 
and a scurrile wit, he had been adopted at the outset 
as a target for buffoonery ; then, by calumniating 
every man of decency, he acquired a power which 
made him in influence, in wealth, and in capacity for 
harm, pre-eminent even among villains. 2 

XXXV. But though Nero might attend his show, 
even in the midst of the diversions there was no 
armistice from crime ; for in those very days Tor- 
quatus Silanus 3 was driven to die, because, not con- 
tent with the nobility of the Junian house, he could 
point to the deified Augustus as his grandsire's 
grandsire. The accusers had orders to charge him 
with a prodigal munificence which left him no hope 
but in revolution, and to insist, further, that he had 
officials among his freedmen whom he styled his 
Masters of Letters, Petitions, and Accounts 4 — titles 
and rehearsals of the business of empire. Next, 
his confidential freedmen were arrested and removed ; 
and Torquatus, finding his condemnation imminent, 
severed the arteries in his arms. There followed 
the usual speech from Nero, stating that, however 
guilty the defendant, however well founded his 
misgivings as to his defence, he should none the less 
have lived, if he had awaited the clemency of his 
judge. 

XXXVI. Before long, giving up for the moment 
the idea of Greece (his reasons were a matter of 
doubt), he revisited the capital, his secret imagina- 
tions being now occupied with the eastern provinces, 

267 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

agitans. Dehinc edieto testificatus non longam sui 
absentiam et cuncta in re publica perinde immota ac 
prospera fore, super ea profectione adiit Capitolium. 
Illic veneratus deos, cum Vestae quoque templum 
inisset, repente cunctos per artus tremens, seu 
numine exterrente. seu f'acinorum recordatione 
numquam timore vacuus, deseruit inceptum, cunctas 
sibi curas amore patriae leviores dictitans. Yidisse 
maestos civium vultus, audire secretas querimonias, 
quod tantum itinens l aditurus esset, cuius ne modicos 
quidem egressus tolerarent, sueti adversum fortuita 
aspectu principis refoveri. Ergo ut in privatis 
necessitudinibus proxima pignora praevalerent, ita 
in re publica a populum Romanum vim plurimam 
habere parendumque retinenti. Haec atque talia 
plebi volentia fuere, voluptatum cupidine et, quae 
praecipua cura est, rei frumentariae angustias si 
abesset, metuenti. Senatus et primores in incerto 
erant, procul an coram atrocior haberetur : dehinc. 
quae natura magnis timoribus, deterius credebant 
quod evenerat. 

XXXVII. Ipse quo fidem adquireret nihil usquam 
perinde laetum sibi, publicis locis struere convivia 

1 <itineris> Halm (after Heuwius). 

2 < in re p. > Wurm. 
268 



BOOK XV. xxxvi. xxxvii. 

Egypt in particular. Then after asseverating by edict 
that his absence would not be for long, and that all 
departments of the state would remain as stable and 
prosperous as ever, he repaired to the Capitol in 
connection with his departure. There he performed 
his devotions ; but, when he entered the temple of 
Vesta also, he began to quake in every limb, possibly 
from terror inspired by the deity, or possibly because 
the memory of his crimes never left him devoid of 
fear. He abandoned his project, therefore, with 
the excuse that all his interests weighed lighter 
with him than the love of his fatherland : — " He had 
seen the dejected looks of his countrymen : he could 
hear their whispered complaints against the long 
journey soon to be undertaken by one whose most 
limited excursions were insupportable to a people 
in the habit of drawing comfort under misfortune from 
the sight of their emperor. Consequently, as in 
private relationships the nearest pledges of affection 
were the dearest, so in public affairs the Roman 
people had the first call, and he must yield if it wished 
him to stay." These and similar professions were 
much to the taste of the populace with its passion 
for amusements and its dread of a shortage of corn 
(always the chief preoccupation) in the event of his 
absence. The senate and high aristocracy were in 
doubt whether his cruelty was more formidable 
at a distance or at close quarters : in the upshot, as 
is inevitable in all great terrors, they believed the 
worse possibility to be the one which had become a 
fact. 

XXXVII. He himself, to create the impression 
that no place gave him equal pleasure with Rome, 
began to serve banquets in the public places and to 

260. 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

totaque urbe quasi donio uti. Et celeberrimae luxu 
famaque epulae fuere, quas a Tigellino paratas ut 
exemplum referam, ne saepius eadem prodigentia 
narranda sit. Igitur in stagno Agrippae fabricatus 
est ratem, cui superpositum convivium navium 
aliarum tractu moveretur. Naves auro et ebore 
distinctae, remigesque exoleti per aetates et scientiam 
libidinum eomponebantur. Volucris et feras diversis 
e terris et animalia maris Oceano abusque petiverat. 
Crepidinibus stagni lupanaria adstabant inlustribus 
feminis completa, et contra scorta visebantur nudis 
eorporibus. lam gestus motusque obsceni ; et 
postquam tenebrae incedebant, quantum iuxta 
nemoris et cireumiecta tecta consonare cantu et 
luminibus clarescere. Ipse per licita atque inlieita 
foedatus nihil flagitii reliquerat, quo eorruptior 
ageret, nisi paucos post dies uni ex illo eontamina- 
torum grege (nomen Pythagorae fuit) in modum sol- 
lemnium coniugiorum denupsisset. Inditum impera- 
tori flammeum, missi x auspices, dos et genialis torus 
et faces nuptiales, cuncta denique spectata. quae 
etiam in femina nox operit. 

XXXVIII. Sequitur clades, forte an dolo principis 
incertum ("nam utrumque auctores prodidere), sed 
omnibus, quae huic urbi per violentiam ignium 

1 missi Frobeniana : misit Med., visi Rhenanus. 



1 The exact site is not determined. 

- II. 14 n. 

3 Those who survive follow the more sensational version 
(Suet. Ner. 38; D. Cass. LXII. 16; Plin. H.N. XVII. 1, 5; 
[Sen.] Oct. 831 sqq.). There is obviously no possibility of 
deciding the question. 

270 



BOOK XV. xxxvii.-xxxvm. 

treat the entire city as his palace. In point of ex- 
travagance and notoriety, the most celebrated of 
the feasts was that arranged by Tigellinus ; which 
I shall describe as a type, instead of narrating time 
and again the monotonous tale of prodigality. He 
constructed, then, a raft on the Pool of Agrippa, 1 and 
superimposed a banquet, to be set in motion by other 
craft acting as tugs. The vessels were gay with 
gold and ivory, and the oarsmen were catamites 
marshalled according to their ages and their libidinous 
attainments. He had collected birds and wild 
beasts from the ends of the earth, and marine animals 
from the ocean itself. On the quays of the lake 
stood brothels, filled with women of high rank ; and, 
opposite, naked harlots met the view. First came 
obscene gestures and dances ; then, as darkness 
advanced, the whole of the neighbouring grove, 
together with the dwelling-houses around, began to 
echo with song and to glitter with lights. Nero 
himself, defiled by every natural and unnatural lust 
had left no abomination in reserve with which to 
crown his vicious existence; except that, a few days 
later, he became, with the full rites of legitimate 
marriage, the wife of one of that herd of degenerates, 2 
who bore the name of Pythagoras. The veil was drawn 
over the imperial head, witnesses were despatched 
to the scene ; the dowry, the couch of wedded love, 
the nuptial torches, were there : everything, in fine, 
which night enshrouds even if a woman is the bride, 
was left open to the view. 

XXXVIII. There followed a disaster, whether due 
to chance or to the malice of the sovereign is un- 
certain — for each version has its sponsors 3 — but 
graver and more terrible than any other which has 

271 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

acciderunt, gravior atque atrocior. Initium in ea 
parte circi ortum, quae Palatino Caelioque montibus 
contigua est, ubi per tabernas. quibus id merci- 
monium inerat, quo Mamma alitur, simul coeptus 
ignis et statim validus ac vento citus longitudinem 
circi corripuit. Neque enim dornus munimentis 
saeptae vel templa muris cincta aut quid aliud morae 
interiacebat. Impetu pervagatum incendium plana 
primum, deinde in edita adsurgens et rursus inferiora 
populando, anteiit remedia velocitate mali et obnoxia 
urbe artis itineribus hucque et illuc flexis atque 
enormibus vicis, qualis vetus Roma fuit. Ad hoc 
lamenta paventium feminarum, fessa x aut rudis 
pueritiae 2 aetas. quique sibi quique aliis consulebant. 
dum trahunt invalidos aut opperiuntur, pars mora, 
pars festinans, cuncta impediebant. Et saepe, 
dum in tergum respectant, lateribus aut fronte 
circumveniebantur, vel si in proxima evaserant, 
illis quoque igni correptis. etiam quae longinqua 
crediderant in eodem casu reperiebant. Postremo, 
quid vitarent quid peterent ambigui, complere vias, 
sterni per agros ; quidam amissis omnibus fortunis. 
diurni quoque victus, 3 alii caritate suorum, quos 
eripere nequiverant, quamvis patente effugio interi- 
ere. Nee quisquam defendere audebat, crebris 

1 fessa Lipsius : fessa aetate. 2 [pueritiae] Haase. 

3 victus <egeni> ? 

1 Similar descriptions are common. The town, in fact, was, 
as Livy puts it, " built promiscuously" after the Gallic disaster 
of 390 B.C. (V. fin.), and the meanness nf its appearance struck 
the Greeks forcibly (XL. 5). 

273 



BOOK XV. xxxvin. 

befallen this city by the ravages of fire. It took its 
rise in the part of the Circus touching the Palatine 
and Caelian Hills ; where, among the shops packed 
with inflammable goods, the conflagration broke out 5 
gathered strength in the same moment, and, im- 
pelled by the wind, swept the full length of the 
Circus : for there were neither mansions screened 
by boundary walls, nor temples surrounded by stone 
enclosures, nor obstacles of any description, to bar 
its progress. The flames, which in full career over- 
ran the level districts first, then shot up to the heights, 
and sank again to harry the lower parts, kept ahead 
of all remedial measures, the mischief travelling 
fast, and the town being an easy prey owing to the 
narrow, twisting lanes and formless streets typical 
of old Rome. 1 In addition, shrieking and terrified 
women ; fugitives stricken or immature in years ; 
men consulting their own safety or the safety of 
others, as they dragged the infirm along or paused 
to wait for them, combined by their dilatoriness or 
their haste to impede everything. Often, while 
they glanced back to the rear, they were attacked 
on the flanks or in front ; or, if they had made their 
escape into a neighbouring quarter, that also was 
involved in the flames, and even districts which they 
had believed remote from danger were found to be 
in the same plight. At last, irresolute what to avoid 
or what to seek, they crowded into the roads or threw 
themselves down in the fields : some who had lost 
the whole of their means — their daily bread included 
— chose to die, though the way of escape was open, 
and were followed by others, through love for the 
relatives whom they had proved unable to rescue. 
None ventured to combat the fire, as there were 

273 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

multorum minis restinguere prohibentium, et quia 
alii palam faces iaciebant atque esse sibi auctorem 
vociferabantur, sive ut raptus licentius exercerent 
seu iussu. 

XXXIX. Eo in tempore Nero Antii agens non 
ante in urbem regressus est, quam domui eius, qua 
Palatium et Maeceriatis hortos eontinuaverat, ignis 
propinquaret. Neque tamen sisti potuit, quin et 
Palatium et domus et cuncta circum haurirentur. 
Sed solacium populo exturbato ac profugo campum 
Martis ac monumenta Agrippae, hortos quin etiam 
suos patefecit et subitaria aedificia exstruxit, quae 
multitudinem inopem acciperent ; subvectaque uten- 
silia ab Ostia et propinquis municipiis, pretiumque 
frumenti minutum usque ad ternos nummos. Quae 
quamquam popularia in inritum cadebant, quia 
pervaserat rumor ipso tempore flagrantis urbis inisse 
eum domesticam scaenam et cecinisse Troianum 
excidium, praesentia mala vetustis cladibus 
adsimulantem. 

XL. Sexto demum die apud imas Esquilias finis 
incendio factus, prorutis per inmensum aedificiis, ut 

1 Suetonius is more circumstantial : — . . . incendit urbem, 
tarn palam ut plenque consulares cubicularios eius, cum stuppa 
taedaque in praediis suis deprehensos, non attigerint (Ner. 38). 
Whatever the worth of the statements, it is clear that, if the 
town was fired deliberately, no particular secrecy was 
attempted : for there must have been a full moon on the night 
before the outbreak (July 17-18). 

2 On the Esquiline, and now imperial property. The house 
— domus transitoria (Suet. Ner. 31) — rose from its ashes as the 
Golden House : see chap. 42. 

3 The great buildings erected by Agrippa, at the height of 

274 



BOOK XV. xxxviii.-xl. 

reiterated threats from a large number of persons who 
forbade extinction, and others were openly throwing 
firebrands 1 and shouting that "they had their 
authority " — possibly in order to have a freer hand 
in looting, possibly from orders received. 

XXXIX. Nero, who at the time was staying in 
Antium, did not return to the capital until the fire 
was nearing the house by which he had connected 
the Palatine with the Gardens of Maecenas. 2 It 
proved impossible, however, to stop it from engulfing 
both the Palatine and the house and all their surround 
ings. Still, as a relief to the homeless and fugitive 
populace, he opened the Campus Martius, the 
buildings 3 of Agrippa, even his own Gardens, and 
threw up a number of extemporized shelters to ac- 
commodate the helpless multitude. The necessities 
of life were brought up from Ostia and the neigh- 
bouring municipalities, and the price of grain was 
lowered to three sesterces. Yet his measures, 
popular as their character might be, failed of their 
effect ; for the report had spread that, at the very 
moment when Rome was aflame, he had mounted 
his private stage, 4 and, typifying the ills of the 
present by the calamities of the past, had sung the 
destruction of Troy. 

XL. Only on the sixth day, was the conflagration 
brought to an end at the foot of the Esquiline, 
by demolishing the buildings over a vast area and 

his power, in the Campus Martius — the Pantheon, Diribi- 
torium, Saepta Iulia, etc. 

4 See the beginning of chap. 33. Suetonius and Dio give 
him more conspicuous eminences : the former, the Tower of 
Maecenas on the Esquiline; the latter, the palace-roof. The 
verses, if there is truth in the story, were doubtless from the 
Troicu which Juvenal regarded as his crowning atrocity. 

2 75 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

continuae violentiae campus et velut vacuum caelum 
occurreret. Necdum positus x metus aut redierat 
p\eb\ spes : 2 rursum grassatus ignis patulis magis 
urbis locis, eoque strages hominum minor: delubra 
deum et porticus amoenitati dicatae latius procidere. 
Plusque infamiae id incendium habuit, quia praediis 
Tigellini Aemilianis proruperat ; videbaturque Nero 
condendae urbis novae et cognomento suo appel- 
landae gloriam quaerere. Quippe in regiones quat- 
tuordecim Roma dividitur, quarum quattuor integrae 
manebant, tres solo tenus deiectae : septem reliquis 
pauca tectorum vestigia supererant, lacera et 
semusta. 

XLI. Domuum et insularum et templorum, quae 
amissa sunt, numerum inire haud promptum fuerit : 
sed vetustissima religione, quod Servius Tullius 
Lunae, et magna ara fanumque, quae praesenti 
Herculi Areas Evander sacraverat, aedesque Statoris 
Iovis vcta Romulo Numaeque regia et delubrum 
Yestae cum Penatibus populi Romani exusta ; iam 
opes tot victoriis quaesitae et Graecarum artium 
decora, exim monumenta ingeniorum antiqua et 
incorrupta, ut 3 quamvis in tanta resurgentis urbis 

1 positus Jacob : post. 

2 redierat plebi s<pes> Madvig : rediebat lebis. Med. 
(with space for three letters left vacant). 

3 <ut> Halm. 

1 The exact site is uncertain. 

2 The title contemplated was supposed to be Neronopolis 
(Suet. Ner. 55). Commodus, faced by a similar problem, de- 
cided with more originality for Colonia Commodiana. 

3 Both the archaeological and the literary evidence show this 
assertion to be too sweeping. 

1 The temple of Luna stood on the Aventine; the Ara 
Maxima and temple of Hercules, in the Forum Boarium ; that 

276 



BOOK XV. xl.-xli. 

opposing to the unabated fury of the flames a clear 
tract of ground and an open horizon. But fear had 
not yet been laid aside, nor had hope yet returned 
to the people, when the fire resumed its ravages ; 
in the less congested parts of the city, however; 
so that, while the toll of human life was not so great, 
the destruction of temples and of porticoes dedicated 
to pleasure was on a wider scale. The second fire 
produced the greater scandal of the two, as it had 
broken out on the Aemilian property 1 of Tigellinus 
and appearances suggested that Nero was seeking 
the glory of founding a new capital and endowing it 
with his own name. 2 Rome, in fact, is divided into 
fourteen regions, of which four remained intact, 
while three were laid level with the ground : in the 
other seven nothing survived but a few dilapidated 
and half-burned relics of houses. 3 

XLI. It would not be easy to attempt an estimate 
of the private dwellings, tenement-blocks, and 
temples, which were lost ; but the flames consumed, 
in their old-world sanctity, the temple dedicated 
to Luna by Servius Tullius, the great altar and chapel 
of the Arcadian Evander to the Present Hercules, 
the shrine of Jupiter Stator vowed by Romulus, the 
Palace of Numa, and the holy place of Vesta with the 
Penates of the Roman people. 4 To these must be 
added the precious trophies won upon so many 
fields, the glories of Greek art, and yet again the 
primitive and uncorrupted memorials of literary 
genius; 6 so that, despite the striking beauty of the 

of Jupiter Stator. the Regia, and the shrine of Vesta, on the 
northern side of the Palatine. 

6 The natural inference, though direct evidence is lacking, 
is that the Palatine Library had suffered in the fire. 

277 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

pulchritudine multa seniores meminerint. quae 
reparari nequibant. Fuere qui adnotarent XIIII Kal. 
Sextiles principium incendii huius ortum, quo et 
Senones captam urbem inflammaverint. Alii eo 
usque cura progressi sunt, ut totidem annos men- 
sisque et dies inter utraque incendia numerent. 

XLII. Ceterum Nero usus est patriae ruinis 
exstruxitque domum. in qua haud perinde gemmae 
et aurum miraculo essent, solita pridem et luxu 
vulgata. quam arva et stagna et in modum soli- 
tudinum hinc silvae. inde aperta spatia et prospectus, 
magistris et machinatoribus Severo et Celere, quibus 
ingenium et audacia erat etiam, quae natura dene- 
gavisset, per artem temptare et viribus principis 
inludere. Namque ab lacu Averno navigabilem 
fossam usque ad ostia Tiberina depressuros promi- 
serant. squalenti litore aut per montis adversos. 
Neque enim aliud umidum gignendis aquis occurrit 
quam Pomptinae paludes : cetera abrupta aut 
arentia, ac si perrumpi possent, intolerandus labor 

1 Rome was fired by the Gauls after Allia in 390 B.C., and 
the 454 years separating the two conflagrations may be re- 
solved, though not exactly, into 418 years, 418 months. 
418 days. The sentence, which had baffled Lipsius and 
succeeding editors, was explained in 1843 by Grotefend. 

2 The celebrated Domus Aureu, which moved the emperor 
to the admission that he " had begun to be housed like a human 
being." Its short-lived splendours are catalogued by Suetonius 
(Ner. 31) : a modern monograph is Weege's Das Goldene Hans 
des Nero, 1913. It was demolished by Vespasian, and his 
Colosseum now occupies perhaps one-tenth of its area. 

278 



BOOK XV. xi.i. -mi r. 

rearisen city, the older generation recollects much 
that it proved impossible to replace. There were 
those who noted that the first outbreak of the fire 
took place on the nineteenth of July, the anniversary 
of the capture and burning of Rome by the Senones : 
others have pushed their researches so far as to 
resolve the interval between the two fires into equal 
numbers of years, of months, and of days. 1 

XLII. However, Nero turned to account the 
ruins of his fatherland by building a palace, 2 the 
marvels of which were to consist not so much in 
gems and gold, materials long familiar and vulgarized 
by luxury, as in fields and lakes and the air 
of solitude given by wooded ground alternating with 
clear tracts and open landscapes. The architects 
and engineers were Severus and Celer, who had 
the ingenuity and the courage to try the force of 
art even against the veto of nature and to fritter 
away the resources of a Caesar. They had under- 
taken to sink a navigable canal 3 running from Lake 
Avernus to the mouths of the Tiber along a desolate 
shore or through intervening hills ; for the one 
district along the route moist enough to yield a 
supply of water is the Pomptine Marsh ; 4 the rest 
being cliff and sand, which could be cut through, 
if at all, only by intolerable exertions for which no 

3 The lake could be made accessible from the Bay of Baiae 
by repairing the Julian Harbour (see XIV. 5 n.). The canal was 
then to have been carried northwards to the Tiber by convict 
labour drawn from every quarter of the empire, the estimated 
length being 160 Roman miles (Suet. Ner. 31). 

4 The water-logged, fever-ridden tract, some 30 miles long 
and from 6 to 11 broad, in S. Latium between the Volscian 
hills and the sea. The problem of its reclamation seems to 
have been definitely solved by Mussolini. 

279 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

nee satis eausae. Nero tamen, ut erat incredibilium 
cupitor, effodere proxima Averno iuga conisus est, 
manentque vestigia inritae spei. 

XLIII. Ceterum urbis quae domui supererant 
non, ut post Gallica incendia, nulla distinctione nee 
passim ereeta, sed dimensis vicorum ordinibus et 
latis viarum spatiis cohibitaque aedificiorum altitu- 
dine ac patefactis areis additisque porticibus, quae 
frontem insularum protegerent. Eas porticus Nero 
sua pecunia exstructurum purgatasque areas dominis 
traditurum pollicitus est. Addidit praemia pro 
euiusque ordine et rei familiaris copiis, finivitque 
tempus, intra quod effectis domibus aut insulis 
apiscerentur. Ruderi aecipiendo Ostiensis paludes 
destinabat, utique naves, quae frumentum Tiberi 
subvectassent, onustae rudere decurrerent, aedificia- 
que ipsa certa sui parte sine trabibus saxo Gabino 
Albanove solidarentur, quod is lapis ignibus impervius 
est ; iam aqua privatorum licentia intercepta quo 
largior et pluribus locis in publicum flueret, custodes 
adessent ; l et subsidia reprimendis ignibus in pro- 
patulo quisque haberet ; nee communione parietum, 
sed propriis quaeque muris ambirentur. 2 Ea ex 
utilitate accepta deeorem quoque novae urbi attulere. 

1 <adessent> Jackson, <essent> Madrig. 

2 nee . . . ambirentur]. Plausibly transposed by Nippod^y, 
fofolloiv impervius est above. 



1 The object, apart from the draining of the Marshes was to 
enable the grainships to avoid 125 miles of open and dangerous 
coast. 

2 Two kinds of the volcanic peperinn of the Campagna — 
the latter quarried in the Aiban hills, the former in the level 
between Tivoli and Frascati. 

280 



BOOK XV. xui.-xuix. 

sufficient motive existed. 1 None the less, Nero, 
with his passion for the incredible, made an effort 
to tunnel the heights nearest the Avernus, and 
some evidences of that futile ambition survive. 

XLIII. In the capital, however, the districts 
spared by the palace were rebuilt, not, as after the 
Gallic fire, indiscriminately and piecemeal, but in 
measured lines of streets, with broad thoroughfares, 
buildings of restricted height, and open spaces, 
while colonnades were added as a protection to the 
front of the tenement-blocks. These colonnades 
Nero offered to erect at his own expense, and also 
to hand over the building-sites, clear of rubbish, 
to the owners. He made a further offer of rewards, 
proportioned to the rank and resources of the various 
claimants, and fixed a term within which houses or 
blocks of tenements must be completed, if the 
bounty was to be secured. As the receptacle of the 
refuse he settled upon the Ostian Marshes, and gave 
orders that vessels which had carried grain up the 
Tiber must run down-stream laden with debris. 
The buildings themselves, to an extent definitely 
specified, were to be solid, untimbered structures of 
Gabine or Alban stone, 2 that particular stone being 
proof against fire. Again, there was to be a guard 
to ensure that the water-supply — intercepted by 
private laAvlessness — should be available for public 
purposes in greater quantities and at more points ; 
appliances for checking fire were to be kept by 
everyone in the open ; there were to be no joint 
partitions between buildings, but each was to be 
surrounded by its own walls. These reforms, wel- 
comed for their utility, were also beneficial to the 
appearance of the new capital. Still, there were 

281 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Erant tamen qui crederent, veterem illam formam 
salubritati magis conduxisse, quoniam angustiae 
itinerum et altitudo tectorum non perinde solis 
vapore perrumperentur : at nunc patulam lati- 
tudinem et nulla umbra defensam graviore aestu 
ardescere. 

XLIV. Et haec quidem humanis consiliis pro- 
videbantur. Mox petita dis piacula aditique Sibullae 
libri, ex quibus supplicatum Volcano et Cereri Pro- 
serpinaeque, ac propitiata Iuno per matronas, primum 
in Capitolio, deinde apud proximum mare, unde 
hausta aqua templum et simulacrum deae per- 
spersum est ; et sellisternia ac pervigilia celebravere 
feminae, quibus mariti erant. Sed non ope humana, 
non largitionibus principis aut deum placamentis 
decedebat infamia, quin iussum incendium credere- 
tur. Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos et 
quaesitissimis poenis adfecit, quos per flagitia invisos 
vulgus Christianos appellabat. Auctor nominis eius 
Christus Tiberio imperitante per procuratorem 
Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat ; repressa- 
que in praesens exitiabilis superstitio rursum erumpe- 
bat, non modo per Iudaeam, originem eius mali, sed 
per urbem etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia aut 
pudenda conrluunt celebranturque. Igitur primum 
correpti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio eorum multi- 



1 The charges bandied about in the next century were those 
always favoured in such cases : ritual murder, nameless 
abominations with extinguished lights, et hoc genus omne 
(Just. Mart. Apol. I. 26, etc.). 

2 About twenty years had elapsed since the name arose in 
Antioch {Acts xi. 26). — For a clear statement of the main 
problems of this " Xeronian persecution," the reader may be 
referred to Furneaux' Excursus (II 2 . 416-427). 



BOOK XV. xmii.-xmv. 

those who held that the old form had been the more 
salubrious, as the narrow streets and high-built 
houses were not so easily penetrated by the rays of 
the sun ; while now the broad expanses, with no 
protecting shadows, glowed under a more oppressive 
heat. 

XLIV. So far, the precautions taken were sugges- 
ted by human prudence : now means were sought 
for appeasing deity, and application was made to the 
Sibylline books; at the injunction of which public 
prayers were offered to Vulcan, Ceres, and Proser- 
pine, while Juno was propitiated by the matrons, 
first in the Capitol, then at the nearest point of the 
sea-shore, where water was drawn for sprinkling the 
temple and image of the goddess. Ritual banquets 
and all-night vigils were celebrated by women in the 
married state. But neither human help, nor im- 
perial munificence, nor all the modes of placating 
Heaven, could stifle scandal or dispel the belief that 
the fire had taken place by order. Therefore, to 
scotch the rumour, Nero substituted as culprits, 
and punished with the utmost refinements of cruelty, 
a class of men, loathed for their vices, 1 whom the 
crowd styled Christians. 2 Christus, the founder of 
the name, had undergone the death penalty in the 
reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator 
Pontius Pilatus, 3 and the pernicious superstition was 
checked for a moment, only to break out once more, 
not merely in Judaea, the home of the disease, but 
in the capital itself, where all things horrible or 
shameful in the world collect and find a vogue. 
First, then, the confessed members of the sect 
were arrested ; next, on their disclosures, vast 

3 The only mention in heathen Latin. 

283 

VOL. IV. K 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

tudo ingens haud perinde in crimine incendii quam 
odio humani generis eonvicti sunt. Et pereuntibus 
addita ludibria, ut ferarum tergis contecti laniatu 
canum interirent, t aut crucibus adfixi aut flam- 
mandi f, atque ubi defecisset dies, in usum nocturni 
luminis urerentur. 1 Hortos suos ei spectaculo Nero 
obtulerat et circense ludicrum edebat, habitu aurigae 
permixtus plebi vel currieulo insistens. Unde quam- 
quam adversus sontis et novissima exempla meritos 
miseratio oriebatur, tamquam non -utilitate publica. 
sed in saevitiam unius absumerentur. 

XLV. Interea conferendis pecuniis pervastata 
Italia, provinciae eversae sociique populi et quae civi- 
tatium liberae vocantur. Inque earn praedam etiam 
di eessere, spoliatis in urbe templis egestoque auro, 
quod triumphis, quod votis omnis populi Romani 
aetas prospere aut in metu saeraverat. Enimvero 
per Asiam atque Achaiam non dona tantum, sed 
simulacra numinum abripiebantur, missis in eas 
provineias Aerato ac Secundo Carrinate. Ille libertus 
euicumque flagitio promptus, hie Graeca doctrina 
ore tenus exercitus animum bonis artibus non 
inbuerat. 2 Ferebatur Seneca, quo invidiam sacrilegii 

1 <S'o the ilediceus, corruptly and, it would seem, defectively ; 
nor is it possible to restore the original with the help of the 
version of Sulpicius Severus (about 400 a. d.) : — interirent, niulti 
crucibus adfixi aut flamma usti, plerique in id reservati ut, 
cum defecisse e.q.s. {Chron. ii. 29). NipjKrdey cut the knot 
by cancelling aut crucibus . . . flammandi. 

2 imbuerat Lipsius : induerat. 

1 The expression, of course, may mean anything. Gibbon 
compared the terms applied by Livy to the 7,000 people 
involved in the Bacchanalian scandals — multitudinem ingen- 
tern, alteram iam populun (XXXIX. 13), mulia milia hominum 
(ib. 15). 

2 Jewish " misanthropy "—which was proverbial — may have 
284 



BOOK XV. xliv.-xlv. 

numbei's ' were convicted, not so much on the count of 
arson as for hatred of the human race. 2 And derision 
accompanied their end : they were covered with wild 
beasts' skins and torn to death by dogs ; or they were 
fastened on crosses, and, when daylight failed were 
burned to serve as lamps by night. Nero had offered 
his Gardens for the spectacle, and gave an exhibition 
in his Circus, mixing with the crowd in the habit of 
a charioteer, or mounted on his car. Hence, in spite 
of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary 
punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to 
the impression that they were being sacrificed not 
for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a 
single man. 

XLV. Meanwhile, Italy had been laid waste for 
contributions of money ; the provinces, the federate 
communities, and the so-called free states, were 
ruined. The gods themselves formed part of the 
plunder, as the ravaged temples of the capital were 
drained of the gold dedicated in the triumphs or 
the vows, the prosperity or the fears, of the Roman 
nation at every epoch. But in Asia and Achaia, 
not offerings alone but the images of deity were 
being swept away, since Acratus and Carrinas 
Secundus had been despatched into the two provinces. 
The former was a freedman prepared for any 
enormity; the latter, as far as words went, was 
a master of Greek philosophy, but his character 
remained untinctured by the virtues. Seneca, it 
was rumoured, to divert the odium of sacrilege from 

partly suggested the charge; though from a passage of Sul- 
picius Severus, almost certainly transcribed from the Histories 
(see vol. ii. p. 220 of this edition), it is evident that the gulf 
between Jew and Christian had been clearly recognized by the 
Roman high command in 70 a.d. 

285 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

a semet averteret, longinqui ruris secessum oravisse, 
et postquam non concedebatur, ficta valetudine, quasi 
aeger nervis, cubiculum non egressus. Tradidere 
quidam venenum ei per libertum ipsius, cui nomen 
Cleonicus, paratum iussu Neronis vitatumque a 
Seneca proditione liberti seu propria formidine, dum 
persimplici victu et agrestibus pom is, ac si sitis 
admoneret, profluente aqua vitam tolerat. 

XLVI. Per idem tempus gladiatores apud oppidum 
Praeneste temptata eruptione praesidio militis, qui 
custos adesset, 1 coerciti sunt, iam Spartacum et 
vetera mala rumoribus ferente populo, ut est novarum 
rerum cupiens pavidusque. Nee multo post clades 
rei navalis accipitur, non bello (quippe haud alias 
tarn immota pax), sed certum ad diem in Campa- 
niam redire classem Nero iusserat, non exceptis 
maris casibus. Ergo gubernatores, quamvis sae- 
viente pelago, a Formiis movere ; et gravi Africo, 
dum promunturium Miseni superare contendunt, 
Cumanis litoribus inpacti triremium plerasque et 
minora navigia passim amiserunt. 

XLVII. Fine anni vulgantur prodigia, inminentium 
malorum nuntia. Vis fulgurum non alias crebrior, 
et sidus cometes, sanguine inlustri semper Neroni 
expiatum. Bicipites hominum aliorumve animalium 
partus abiecti in publicum aut in sacrificiis, quibus 

1 adesset] adest Nipperdey. 



1 Palestrina. That the gladiators belonged to an imperial 
school (XI. 35 n.) is shown by the presence of the military 
guard. 

2 III. 73 n. 

3 The fleet was to return from Formiae (Mola di Gaeta) 
on the Latian coast to its base at Misenum. 

286 



BOOK XV. xlv.-xlvii. 

himself, had asked leave to retire to a distant estate 
in the country, and, when it was not accorded, had 
feigned illness — a neuralgic affection, he said — and 
declined to leave his bedroom. Some have put it 
on record that, by the orders of Nero, poison had 
been prepared for him by one of his freedmen, 
Cleonicus by name ; and that, owing either to the 
man's revelations or to his own alarms, it was avoided 
by Seneca, who supported life upon an extremely 
simple diet of field fruits and, if thirst was insistent, 
spring water. 

XLVI. About the same time, an attempted out- 
break of the gladiators at the town of Praeneste l 
was quelled by the company of soldiers stationed as 
a guard upon the spot ; not before the populace, 
allured and terrified as always by revolution, had 
turned its conversation to Spartacus 2 and the cala- 
mities of the past. Not long afterwards, news was 
received of a naval disaster. War was not the cause 
(for at no other time had peace been so completely 
undisturbed), but Nero had ordered the fleet to 
return to Campania 3 by a given date, no allowance 
being made for hazards of the sea. The helmsmen, 
therefore, in spite of a raging storm, stood out from 
Formiae ; and, while attempting to round the pro- 
montory of Misenum, were driven by a south-west 
gale on to the beach at Cumae, losing u considerable 
number of triremes and smaller vessels in crowds. 

XLVII. At the close of the year, report was busy 
with portents heralding disaster to come — lightning- 
flashes in numbers never exceeded, a comet (a pheno- 
menon to which Nero always made atonement in 
noble .blood) ; two-headed embryos, human or of the 
other animals, thrown out in public or discovered 

287 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

gravidas hostias inmolare mos <'st, reperti. Et in 
agro Placentino viam propter natus vitulus, cui 
caput in crure esset ; secutaque haruspicum interpre- 
tatio, parari rerum humanarum aliud caput, sed non 
fore validum neque occultum, quia in utero repressum 
et 1 iter iuxta editum sit. 

XLVIII. Ineunt deinde consulatum Silius Nerva 
et Atticus Vestinus, coepta simul et aucta coniura- 
tione, in quam certatim nomina dederant senatores 
eques miles, feminae etiam, cum odio Neronis, turn 
favore in C. Pisonem. Is Calpurnio genere ortus ac 
multas insignisque familias paterna nobilitate com- 
plexus, claro apud vulgum rumore erat per virtutem 
aut species virtutibus similis. Namque facundiam 
tuendis civibus exercebat, largitionem adversum 
amicos, et ignotis quoque comi sermone et con- 
gressu ; aderant etiam fortuita, corpus procerum, 
decora facies : sed procul gravitas morum aut 
voluptatum parsimonia ; levitati 2 ac magnificentiae 
et aliquando luxu indulgebat. Idque pluribus 
probabatur, qui in tanta vitiorum dulcedine sununum 
imperium non restrictum nee perseverum volunt. 

1 et Ernesti : aut. - levitati Ernesti : lenitati. 

1 Piacenza. 

2 To judge from the last sentence of XIV. 65, it must have 
been at least in contemplation by 63 a.d. : if the reading 
ardente domo is correct two chapters below, it was already 
mature at the time of the fire. 

3 His parents, curiously enough, cannot be identified. It is 
known that he was married in 37 a.d., though his wedding- 
guest Caligula appropriated the bride (Suet. Cal. 25) ; that he 
was banished two years (?) later (biennio post Suet. I.I., 
iTplv &vo fiijvas e£e\9eiv, D. Cass. LIX. 8) ; and that he 
returned under Claudius, held a consulate, and subsequently 
inherited a fortune from his mother (S. Juv. V. 109). 

2S8 



BOOK XV. xlvii.-xlviit. 

in the sacrifices where it is the rule to kill pregnant 
victims. Again, in the territory of Placentia. 1 a calf 
was born close to the road with the head grown to a 
leg ; and there followed an interpretation of the sooth- 
sayers, stating that another head was being pre- 
pared for the world ; but it would be neither strong 
nor secret, as it had been repressed in the womb, 
and had been brought forth at the wayside. 

XLVIII. Silius Nerva and Vestinus Atticus then 
entered upon their consulate — the year of a con- 
spiracy, no sooner hatched than full-grown, 2 for which 
senators, knights, soldiers, and women themselves 
had vied in giving in their names, not simply through 
hatred of Nero, but also through partiality for 
Gaius Piso. 3 Piso, sprung from the Calpurnian house, 
and, by his father's high descent, uniting in his own 
person many families of distinction, enjoyed with 
the multitude a shining reputation for virtue, or for 
spectacular qualities resembling virtues. 4 For he 
exercised his eloquence in the defence of his fellow- 
citizens, his liberality in the service of his friends ; 
and even with strangers his conversation and inter- 
course were marked by courtesy. He was favoured 
also with those gifts of chance, a tall figure and 
handsome features. But weight of character and 
continence in pleasure were absent : he gave full 
scope to frivolity, to ostentation, and at times to 
debauchery — a trait which was approved by that 
majority of men, who, in view of the manifold allure- 
ments of vice, desire no strictness or marked austerity 
in the head of the state. 

4 They are enumerated ; n the Laus Pisonifi (Baehrens, 
P.L.M. i. 220 sqq.) — 261 hexameters by a young and indigent 
author, whom Maurice Haupt and Lachmann identified with 
the pastoral poet Calpurnius. 

289 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XLIX. Initium coniurationi non a cupidine ipsius 
fuit : nee tamen facile memoraverim, quis primus 
auctor, cuius instinctu concitum sit quod tam multi 
sumpserunt. Promptissimos Subrium Flavum * tri- 
bunum praetoriae cohortis et Sulpicium Asprum 
centurionem extitisse constantia exitus docuit ; 
et Lucanus Annaeus Plautiusque Lateranus 2 vivida 
odia intulere. Lucanum propriae causae accende- 
bant, quod famam carminum eius preruebat Nero 
prohibueratque ostentare, vanus adsimulatione : 3 
Lateranurn consulem designatum nulla iniuria, sed 
amor rei publicae sociavit. At Flavius Scaevinus et 
Afranius Quintianus, uterque senatorii ordinis. 
contra famam sui principium tanti facinoris capessi- 
vere. Nam Scaevino dissoluta luxu mens et proinde 
vita somno languida : Quintianus mollitia corporis 
infamis et a Nerone probroso carmine diffamatus 
contumelias ultum ibat. 

L. Ergo dum scelera principis, et finem adesse 
imperio deligendumque, qui fessis rebus succurreret. 
inter se aut inter amicos iaciunt, adgregavere Clau- 
dium 4 Senecionem, Cervarium Proculum, Vulcacium 5 
Araricum, Iulium Augurinum.MunatiumGratum,An- 

1 Flavuru Bekker : Flavium. 

2 Lateranus Bekker : lateranus consul designatus. 

3 vanus adsimulatione] vanissima aemulatione Buperti ( after 
Lipsius). 

* Claudium Bitter : tullium. 

6 Vulcacium Andresen (Vulcatium Bhenanus) : vulgacium. 

1 Nephew of Claudius' commander in Britain, A. Plautiu? 
Silvanus; implicated in the scandal of Messalina and Silius, 
but spared out of consideration for his uncle (XI. 36); restored 

290 



BOOK XV. xlix.-l. 

XLIX. The beginning of the conspiracy did not 
come from his own wish. At the same time, it is 
not easy for me to say who was its original author, 
whose the initiative that called into being a project 
which so many embraced. That its most resolute 
adherents had been found in Subrius Flavus, the 
tribune of a praetorian cohort, and the centurion 
Sulpicius Asper, was proved by the firmness of 
their end; while Annaeus Lucanus and Plautius 
Lateranus * contributed the vivacity of their hatreds. 
Lucan had private motives to inflame him, since 
Nero was stifling the reputation of his poems and had 
ordered him not to seek publicity — for he had the 
vanity to count himself his peer. Lateranus, a 
consul designate, was brought to the cause, not by 
an injury, but by affection for the commonwealth. 
On the other hand, Flavius Scaevinus and Afranius 
Quintianus, both of senatorial rank, belied their 
repute when thev took the lead in so desperate an 
enterprise. For the mental powers of Scaevinus 
had been wrecked by debauchery, and his life was 
one of corresponding languor and somnolence ; 
Quintianus, a notorious degenerate, had been 
attacked by Nero in a scurrilous poem, and was now 
intent upon avenging the affront. 

L. Scattering allusions, therefore, among them- 
selves or their friends to the crimes of the sovereign, 
the approaching dissolution of the empire, the need 
of choosing the saviour of an outworn society, they 
gathered to their number Claudius Senecio, Cer- 
varius Proculus, Vulcacius Araricus, Julius Augurinus, 

to the senate by Nero (XIII. 11). His great mansion on the 
Coelian Hill passed, by gift of Constantine to the Popes, and 
the Lateran palace and church perpetuate his name. 

291 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

tonium Natalem, Marcium Festum, equites Romanos. 
Ex quibus Senecio, e praecipua familiaritate Nei*onis, 
speciem amicitiae etiam turn retinens eo pluribus 
periculis conflictabatur : Natalis particeps ad omne 
secretum Pisoni erat, ceteris spes ex novis rebus 
petebatur. Adscitae sunt super Subrium et Sulpi- 
cium, de quibus rettuli, militares manus, Gavius 
Silvanus et Statius Proxumus tribuni cohortium 
praetoriarum. Maximus Scaurus et Venetus Paulus 
centuriones. Sed summum robur in Faenio Rufo 
praefecto videbatur, quern vita famaque laudatum 
per saevitiam inpudicitiamque Tigellinus in animo 
principis anteibat. Fatigabatque criminationibus ac 
saepe in metum adduxerat quasi adulterum Agrip- 
pinae et desiderio eius ultioni intentum. Igitur ubi 
coniuratis praefectum quoque praetorii in partes 
descendisse crebro ipsius sermone facta fides, 
promptius iam de tempore ac loco caedis agitabant. 
Et cepisse impetum Subrius Flavus ferebatur in 
scaena canentem Neronem adgrediendi, aut cum 
ardente domo 1 per noctem hue illuc cursaret 
incustoditus. Hie occasio solitudinis, ibi ipsa fre- 
quentia tanti decoris testis pulcherrima 2 animum 
exstimulaverant, nisi impunitatis cupido retinuisset. 
magnis semper conatibus adversa. 

LI. Interim cunctantibus prolatantibusque spem 

1 ardente domo]. The words are doubted but there is no 
plausible emendation. 

2 pulcherrima Urlichs : pulcherrimum. 

1 XIII. 12. 2 XIV. 51. 

292 



BOOK XV. L.-LI. 

Munatius Gratus, Antonius Natalis, and Marcius 
Festus, all Roman knights. Of these, Senecio, one 
of Nero's chief familiars, 1 maintained even then a 
semblance of friendship, and was exposed in con- 
sequence to a larger variety of dangers : Natalis was 
the partner of Piso in all his secret counsels ; the rest 
were seeking hope from revolution. In addition 
to Subrius and Sulpicius, who have been noticed 
already, Gavius Silvanus and Statius Proxumus, 
tribunes of the praetorian cohorts, together with the 
centurions Maximus Scaurus and Venetus Paulus, 
were called in as men of the sword. Their main 
strength, however, was considered to lie in Faenius 
Rufus, 2 the prefect, whose estimable life and character 
were, in the prince's favour, outweighed by the 
ferocity and lust of Tigellinus ; who persecuted 
him with calumnies and had repeatedly awakened 
his alarm by describing him as the paramour of 
Agrippina. still mourning her, and determined upon 
vengeance. Hence, when his own reiterated state- 
ments had convinced the plotters that the commander 
of the Praetorian Guard had himself entered the lists, 
they began to show more alacrity in debating the 
time and place of the assassination. It was asserted 
that Subrius Flavus had conceived an impulse to 
attack Nero while he was singing on the stage, or 
while, during the burning of the palace, he was 
rushing unguarded from place to place in the night. 
In one case, there were the opportunities of solitude : 
in the other, the very presence of a crowd, to be the 
fairest witness of such an exploit, had fired his 
imagination; only the desire of escape, that eternal 
enemy of high emprises, gave him pause. 

LI. In the meantime, while they were still hesi- 

293 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

ac metuni Epicharis quaedam, incertum quonam 
modo sciscitata (neque illi ante ulla rerum hone- 
starum cura fuerat), accendere et arguere coniuratos, 
ac postremum lenitudinis eorum pertaesa et in 
Campania agens primores classiariorum Misenensium 
labefacere et conscientia inligare conisa est tali 
initio. Erat navarchus in ea classe Volusius Proculus, 
occidendae matris Neroni 1 inter ministros, non ex 
magnitudine sceleris proveetus, ut rebatur. Is 
mulieri olim eognitus, seu recens orta amicitia, dum 
merita erga Neronem sua et quam in inritum ceci- 
dissent aperit adicitque questus et destinationem 
vindictae, si facultas oreretur, spem dedit posse 
inpelli et pluris eonciliare : nee leve auxilium in 
elasse, crebras oceasiones, quia Nero multo apud 
Puteolos et Misenum maris usu laetabatur. Ergo 
Epicharis plura ; et omnia scelera principis orditur. 
neque senatui neque populo - quidquam 3 manere. 
Sed provisum, quonam modo poenas eversae rei 
publicae daret : accingeretur modo navare operam et 
militum acerrimos ducere in partis, ac digna pretia 
exspectaret ; nomina tamen coniuratorum reticuit. 
Unde Proculi indicium inritum fuit, quamvis ea, quae 

1 Neroni Heinsius : neronis. 

2 < neque populo Halm (after Madvig). 

3 quidquam Madvig : quod. 

294 



BOOK XV. li. 

tating, reluctant to abridge the period of hope and 
fear, a certain Epicharis, who had gained her inform- 
ation by means unknown — she had never previously 
shown interest in anything honourable — began to 
animate and upbraid the conspirators. Finally, 
wearied of their slowness and happening to be in 
Campania, she made an effort to undermine the 
loyalty of the fleet officers at Misenum and to 
implicate them in the plot. The beginning of the 
intrigue was this. In the squadron was a ship- 
captain, Volusius Proculus, one of Nero's agents 
in the assassination of his mother, but not (he 
considered) promoted as the importance of the 
crime deserved. This person, as a former ac- 
quaintance of the woman (or possibly the friendship 
may have been of recent growth), disclosed what his 
services to Nero had been, and how thankless they 
had proved, then proceeded to complaints and to a 
declared intention of settling the account, should 
occasion offer. He thus gave hope that he might 
be influenced and win fresh adherents. The help 
of the fleet, it was reflected, was no slight matter; 
and opportunities must be plentiful, as Nero de- 
lighted in frequent excursions by sea in the neigh- 
bourhood of Puteoli and Misenum. Epicharis there- 
fore went further, and entered upon a catalogue of 
the emperor's crimes : — Nothing was left either for 
the senate {or for the people) ! But a way had been 
provided by which he might pay the penalty for the 
ruin of his country. Proculus had only to gird 
himself to do his part, bring over his most resolute 
men to the cause, and look forward to a worthy re- 
ward." On the names of the conspirators, however, 
she observed silence ; with the result that Proculus 

2 95 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

audierat, ad Neronem detulisset. Accita quippe 
Epicharis et cum indice composita nullis testibus 
innisum facile confutavit. Sed ipsa in custodia 
retenta est, suspectante Nerone haud falsa esse 
etiam quae vera non probabantur. 

LII. Coniuratis tamen metu proditionis permotis 
placitum maturare caedem apud Baias in villa 
Pisonis. cuius amoenitate captus Caesar crebro 
ventitabat balneasque et epulas inibat omissis 
excubiis et fortunae suae mole. Sed abnuit Piso. 
invidiam praetendens, si sacra mensae dique hospi- 
tales caede qualiscumque principis cruentarentur : 
melius apud urbem in ilia invisa et spoliis civium 
extructa domo vel in publico patraturos quod pro 
re publica suscepissent. Haec in commune, ceterum 
timore occulto, ne L. Silanus eximia nobilitate disci- 
plinaque C. Cassii, apud quern educatus erat, ad 
omnem claritudinem sublatus imperium invaderet, 
prompte daturis, qui a coniuraticne integri essent 
quique miserarentur Neronem tamquam per scelus 
interfectum. Plerique Vestini quoque consulis acre 
ingenium vitavisse Pisonem crediderunt, ne ad 
libertatem oreretur, vel delecto imperatore alio sui 



1 A son of M. Silanus (the "Golden Sheep" of XIII. 1), 
and the last lineal descendant of Augustus, apart from Nero. — 
Cassius is the jurist (XII. 11, etc.). 

296 



BOOK XV. li.-ui. 

though he reported what he had heard to Nero, 
made his disclosure in vain. For Epicharis was 
summoned, confronted with the informer, and in the 
absence of corroborating evidence silenced him with 
ease. Still, she was herself detained in custody, 
Nero having a suspicion that the statements, even 
if not demonstrated to be true, were not therefore 
false. 

LII. The plotters, however, moved by the fear of 
betrayal, decided to hasten on the murder at Baiae 
in a villa belonging to Piso — its charms had a fascina- 
tion for the Caesar, who came frequently and in- 
dulged in the bath or the banquet, dispensing with 
his guards and the tedious magnificence of his rank. 
But Piso refused, his pretext being the odium which 
must be faced, " if they stained with the blood of 
an emperor, however contemptible, the sanctities 
of the guest-table and the gods of hospitality. 
Better in the capital, in that hated palace reared 
from the spoils of his countrymen, or under the 
public gaze, to do the deed they had undertaken 
for the public good." This was for the general 
ear : actually he had an unconfessed misgiving that 
Lucius Silanus 1 — who, thanks to his exalted lineage 
and to the training of Gaius Cassius, with whom he 
had been educated, stood high enough for any 
dignity — might grasp at the empire ; which would 
be promptly offered to him by the persons who had 
held aloof from the plot or who pitied Nero as the 
victim of a murder. It was commonly believed 
that Piso had intended at the same time to evade 
the energy of the consul Vestinus, lest he should 
arise as the champion of liberty, or, by selecting 
another as emperor, convert the state into a gift of 

297 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

muneris rem publicam faceret. Etenim expers 
coniurationis erat, quamvis super eo crimine Nero 
vetus adversum insontem odium expleverit. 

LIU. Tandem statuere circensium ludorum die, 
qui Cereri celebratur, exsequi destinata, quia Caesar 
rarus egressu domoque aut hortis clausus ad ludicra 
circi ventitabat promptioresque aditus erant laetitia 
spectaculi. Ordinem insidiis composuerant, ut Later- 
anus, quasi subsidium rei familiari oraret, depreca- 
bundus et genibus principis accidens prosterneret 
incautum premeretque, animi validus et corpore 
ingens. Turn iacentem et impeditum tribuni et 
centuriones et ceterorum, ut quisque audentiae 
habuisset, adcurrerent trucidarentque, primas sibi 
partis expostulante Scaevino, qui pugionem templo 
Salutis x sive, ut alii tradidere, Fortunae Ferentino in 
oppido detraxerat gestabatque velut magno operi 
sacrum. Interim Piso apud aedem Cereris opperi- 
retur, unde eum praefectus Faenius et ceteri accitum 
ferrent in castra, comitante Antonia, Claudii Caesaris 
fUia, ad eliciendum vulgi favorem, quod C. Plinius 
memorat. Nobis quoquo modo traditum non 
occultare in animo fuit, quamvis absurdum videretur 

1 Salutis Ernest i : salutis in etruria. 



1 The date of the Cerialia was Apr. 12-19. the games being 
circensian on the opening and closing days. 

2 Hardly the Latian town of the name (Ferentino, near 
Anagni), but the Etrurian Fercntinum, or Ferentium (Ferento, 
between Viterbo and Bomarzo). In that case. "Fortuna" is 
certainly, and -'Salus " possibly, the Etruscan goddess Nortia 
(Juv. X. 74). 

3 By his marriage with Aelia Paetina (XII. 2). Wife first 
of Cn. Pompeius, then of Faustus Sulla, she refused Nero's 

298 



BOOK XV. lii.-liii. 

his own bestowing. For in the conspiracy he had 
no part, though conspiracy was the charge on which 
Nero satisfied his old hatred of an innocent man. 

LIII. At last they resolved to execute their 
purpose on the day of the Circensian Games when the 
celebration is in honour of Ceres ; * as the emperor, 
who rarely left home and secluded himself in his 
palace or gardens, went regularly to the exhibitions 
in the Circus and could be approached with com- 
parative ease owing to the gaiety of the spectacle. 
They had arranged a set programme for the plot. 
Lateranus, as though asking financial help, would 
fall in an attitude of entreaty at the emperor's feet, 
overturn him while off his guard, and hold him down, 
being as he was a man of intrepid character and a 
giant physically. Then, as the victim lay prostrate 
and pinned, the tribunes, the centurions, and any of 
the rest who had daring enough, were to run up 
and do him to death ; the part of protagonist being 
claimed by Scaevinus, who had taken down a dagger 
from the temple of Safety — of Fortune, according 
to other accounts — in the town of Ferentinum, 2 and 
wore it regularly as the instrument sanctified to a 
great work. In the interval, Piso was to wait in 
the temple of Ceres ; from which he would be 
summoned by the prefect Faenius and the others 
and carried to the camp : he would be accompanied 
by Claudius' daughter 3 Antonia, with a view to 
eliciting the approval of the crowd. This is the 
statement of Pliny. For my own part, whatever 
his assertion may be worth, I was not inclined to 
suppress it, absurd as it may seem that either 

hand after the death of Poppaea, and was later executed on a 
charge of seditious activities (Suet. Ner. 35). 

299 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

aut inanem ad spem Antoniam nomen et periculum 
commodavisse, aut Pisonem notum amore uxoris alii 
matrimonio se obstrinxisse, nisi si cupido dominandi 
cunctis adfectibus flagrantior est. 

LlV r . Sed mirum quam inter diversi generis 
ordinis, aetatis sexus, ditis pauperes taciturnitate 
omnia cohibita sint, donee proditio coepit e domo 
Scaevini ; qui pridie insidiarum multo sermone cum 
Antonio Natale, dein regressus domum testamentum 
obsignavit, promptum vagina pugionem, de quo 
supra rettuli, vetustate obtusum increpans, asperari 
saxo et in mucronem ardescere iussit eamque curam 
liberto Milicho mandavit. Simul adfluentius solito 
convivium initum, servorum carissimi libertate et alii 
pecunia donati. Atque ipse maestus et magnae 
cogitationis manifestus erat. quamvis laetitiam 
vagis sermonibus simul aret. Postremo vulneribus 
ligamenta quibusque sistitur sanguis parari iubet. 
?^que ' eundem Milichum monet, sive gnarum 
coniurationis et illuc usque fidum. seu nescium et 
tunc primum arreptis suspicionibus, ut plerique 
tradidere. De consequentibus conse?ititur. 2 Nam 
cum secum servilis animus praemia perfidiae reputa- 
vit simulque inmensa pecunia et potentia obversa- 
bantur, cessit fas et salus patroni et acceptae libertatis 

1 parari iubet, idque Nipperdey-Andresen: partiebatque. 

2 <consentitur> Mueller. 

1 A conflicting account, included by Plutarch imong his 
examples of the ills oi garrulity [Mor. 505 co), seems to be 
negligible. 

300 



BOOK XV. liii.-liv. 

Antonia should have staked her name and safety 
on an empty expectation, or Piso, notoriously devoted 
to his wife, should have pledged himself to another 
marriage — unless, indeed, the lust of power burns 
more fiercely than all emotions combined. 

LIV. It is surprising, none the less, how in this 
mixture of ranks and classes, ages and sexes, rich 
and poor, the whole affair was kept in secrecy, till 
the betrayal came from the house of Scaevinus. 1 On 
the day before the attempt, he had a long conversa- 
tion with Antonius Natalis, after which he returned 
home, sealed his will, and taking the dagger, men- 
tioned above, from the sheath, complained that it 
was blunt from age, and gave orders that it was to 
be rubbed on a whetstone till the edge glittered : 
this task he entrusted to his freedman Milichus. 
At the same time, he began a more elaborate dinner 
than usual, and presented his favourite slaves with 
their liberty, or, in some cases, with money. He 
himself was moody, and obviously deep in thought, 
though he kept up a disconnected conversation which 
affected cheerfulness. At last, he gave the word 
that bandages for wounds and appliances for stopping 
haemorrhage were to be made ready. The instruc- 
tions were again addressed to Milichus : possibly 
he was aware of the conspiracy, and had so far kept 
faith ; possibly, as the general account goes, he 
knew nothing, and caught his first suspicions at that 
moment. About the sequel there is unanimity. 
For when his slavish brain considered the wages 
of treason, and unbounded wealth and power floated 
in the same instant before his eyes, conscience, the 
safety of his patron, the memory of the liberty 
he had received, withdrew into the background. 

301 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

memoria. Etenim uxoris quoque consilium adsump- 
serat muliebre ac deterius : quippe ultro metum 
intentabat, multosque adstitisse libertos ac servos, 
qui eadem viderint : nihil profuturum unius silentium, 
at praemia penes unum fore, qui indicio praevenisset. 
LV. Igitur coepta luce Milichus in hortos Ser- 
vilianos pergit ; et cum foribus arceretur, magna et 
atrocia adferre dictitans deductusque ab ianitoribus 
ad libertum Neronis Epaphroditum, mox ab eo ad 
Neronem, urguens periculum, gravis coniuratos et 
cetera, quae audierat coniectaverat, docet. Telum 
quoque in necem eius paratum ostendit accirique 
reura iussit. Is raptus per milites et defensionem 
orsus, ferrum, cuius argueretur, olim religione patria 
eultum et in cubiculo habitum ac fraude liberti 
subreptum respondit, tabulas testamenti saepius 
a se et incustodita dierum observatione signatas. 
Pecunias et libertates servis et ante dono datas, 
sed ideo tunc largius, quia tenui iam re familiari et 
instantibus creditoribus testamento diffideret. Enim- 
vero liberalis semper epulas struxisse, vitam amoe- 
nam et duris iudicibus parum probatam. Fomenta 

1 Their position can only be vaguely inferred from Hist. 
III. 38 and Suet, Xer. 47. 

2 Libertus a libellis in succession to Doryphorus (XIV. 65); 
accompanied the fallen Nero to Phaon's villa, and assisted 
him in his suicide (Suet. Ner. 49 ; D. Cass. LXIII. 29) ; executed 
on that account by Domitian (Suet. Dom. 14; D. Cass. LX VII. 
14). — He was the owner of Epictetus, and can hardly have 
been other than the Epaphroditus addressed by Josephus in 
the Life, the Antiquities and the Apion, though in the case 
of the Life there is a difficulty turning on the date of death 
of Agrippa II. 

302 



BOOK XV. liv.-lv. 

For he had also taken his wife's counsel. It was 
feminine and baser ; for she held before him the 
further motive of fear, and pointed out that numbers 
of freedmen and slaves had been standing by, who 
had witnessed the same incidents as himself: — " One 
man's silence would profit nothing; but one man 
would handle the rewards — he who won the race to 
give information." 

LY. At the break of day, then. Milichus went 
straight to the Servilian Gardens. 1 He was turned 
from the door; but, on insisting that he was the 
bearer of great and terrible news, was escorted by the 
porters to Nero's freedman Epaphroditus, 2 and bv 
him in due course to Nero, whom he informed 
of the urgency of the danger, of the desperate 
character of the conspirators, and of all else that 
he had heard or conjectured. He also showed 
the weapon prepared for the assassination, and 
demanded that the accused should be summoned. 
Scaevinus was hurried to the spot by soldiers, and 
opened his defence by replying that " the weapon 
charged against him had long been regarded with 
veneration by his family, had been kept in his bed- 
room, and had been purloined by the knavery of 
his freedman. The tablets of his will he had quite 
often sealed, and without taking any particular 
notice of the days. He had previously made grants 
of money or freedom to his slaves ; but this time 
more liberally, for the simple reason that his means 
were now slender, and, with his creditors pressing, 
he had misgivings about his will. As to his table, 
it had always been generously provided : his life 
had been on pleasant lines, and hardly to the taste 
of austere critics. There had been no bandages 

3°3 



the annals of tacitus 

vulneribus nulla iussu suo, sed quia cetera palam 
vana obiecisset, adiungere crimen, cuius se pariter 
indicem et testem faceret. Adicit dictis con- 
stantiam ; incusat ultro intestabilem et conscelera- 
tum, tanta vocis ac vultus securitate, ut labaret 
indicium, nisi Milichum uxor admonuisset Antonium 
Natalem multa cum Scaevino ac secreta conlocutum et 
esse utrosque C. Pisonis intimos. 

LVI. Ergo accitur Natalis, et diversi interro- 
gantur, quisnam is sermo, qua de re fuisset. Turn 
exorta suspicio, quia non congruentia responderant, 
inditaque vincla. Et tormentorum aspectum ac 
minas non tulere : prior tamen Natalis. totius con- 
spirationis magis gnarus, simul arguendi peritior, 
de Pisone primum fatetur, deinde adicit Annaeum 
Senecam, sive internuntius inter eum Pisonemque 
fuit, sive ut Neronis gratiam pararet, qui infensus 
Senecae omnis ad eum opprimendum artis conquire- 
bat. Turn cognito Natalis indicio Scaevinus quoque 
pari inbecillitate, an cuncta iam patefacta credens 
nee ullum silentii emolumentum, edidit ceteros. Ex 
quibus Lucanus Quintianusque et Senecio diu 
abnuere : post promissa inpunitate corrupti, quo 
tarditatem excusarent, Lucanus Aciliam matrem 
suam, Quintianus Glitium Galium, Senecio Annium 
Pollionem, amicorum praecipuos, nominavere. 



304 



BOOK XV. lv.-lvi. 

for wounds of his ordering, but the accuser — whose 
other allegations had been patently futile — was 
adding a charge in which he could play informer and 
witness alike." He followed up his words with a 
display of spirit, and attacked the freedman as an 
unspeakable villain, with so much assurance of 
look and tone that the informer's tale was on the 
point of collapse, had not his wife reminded Milichus 
that Antonius Natalis had had a long and secret 
interview with Scaevinus, and that both were on 
intimate terms with Gaius Piso. 

LVI. Natalis accordingly was summoned, and the 
two were separately questioned as to the nature and 
the subject of the conversation. Suspicion was now 
awakened, as their answers had failed to tally, and 
they were thrown into irons. At the sight and 
threat of torture they broke down. Natalis, how- 
<•'.< r. took the lead. Better acquainted with the 
conspiracy as a whole, and at the same time more 
adroit as an accuser, he first admitted the case 
against Piso, then went on to name Annaeus Seneca, 
perhaps because he had acted as intermediary 
between him and Piso, or perhaps to win the good 
graces of Nero ; who, in his hatred of Seneca, grasped 
at all methods of suppressing him. Then, when 
Natalis' disclosure became known, Scaevinus himself, 
with similar weakness, — or else in the belief that all 
had now been told and there was no profit in silence, 
— divulged the rest of the confederates. Of these, 
Lucan, Quintianus, and Senecio, long denied the 
charge : at last, bribed by a promise of impunity, and 
by way of excuse for their slowness, they gave the 
names, Lucan of his mother Acilia ; Quintianus and 
Senecio, of their principal friends — Glitius Gallus and 
Annius Pollio respectively. 

3o5 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

LVII. Atque interim Nero recordatus Volusii 
Proculi indicio Epicharim attineri ratusque muliebre 
corpus impar dolori tormentis dilacerari iubet. At 
illam non verbera, non ignes, non ira eo acrius 
torquentium, ne a femina spernerentur, pervicere, 
quin obiecta denegaret. Sic primus quaestionis dies 
contemptus. Postero cum ad eosdem cruciatus 
retraheretur gestamine sellae (nam dissolutis mem- 
bris insistere nequibat), vinclo fasciae, quam pectori 
detraxerat, in modum laquei ad arcum sellae restricto 
indidit cervicem et corporis pondere conisa tenuem 
iam spiritum expressit, clariore exemplo libertina 
mulier in tanta necessitate alienos ac prope ignotos 
protegendo, cum ingenui et viri et equites Romani 
senatoresque intacti tormentis carissima suorum 
quisque pignorum proderent. Non enim omittebant 
Lucanus quoque et Senecio et Quintianus passim 
conscios edere, magis magisque pavido Nerone, 
quamquam multiplicatis excubiis semet saepsisset. 

LVIII. Quin et urbem per manipulos occupatis 
moenibus, insesso etiam mari et amne, velut in 
custodiam dedit. Volitabantque per fora, per domos, 
rura quoque et proxima municipiorum pedites 
equitesque, permixti Germanis, quibus fidebat 



1 A mounted corps, chiefly of Batavians, formed by 
Augustus to replace his Spanish guard (Suet. Aug. 49); 
disbanded " in spite of its tried fidelity " by Galba (Suet. Gulb. 
12). 

306 



BOOK XV. Lvn.-r.vm. 

LVII. In the meantime, Nero recollected that 
Epicharis was in custody on the information of 
Volusius Proculus ; and, assuming that female flesh 
and blood must be unequal to the pain, he ordered 
her to be racked. But neither the lash nor fire, 
nor yet the anger of the torturers, who redoubled 
their efforts rather than be braved by a woman, 
broke down her denial of the allegations. Thus the 
first day of torment had been defied. On the next, 
as she was being dragged back in a chair to a re- 
petition of the agony — her dislocated limbs were 
unable to support her — she fastened the breast-band 
(which she had stripped from her bosom) in a 
sort of noose to the canopy of the chair, thrust 
her neck into it, and, throwing the weight of her 
body into the effort, squeezed out such feeble 
breath as remained to her. An emancipated slave 
and a woman, by shielding, under this dhe coercion, 
men unconnected with her and all but unknown, 
she had set an example which shone the brighter 
at a time when persons freeborn and male, Roman 
knights and senators, untouched by the torture, were 
betraying each his nearest and his dearest. For 
Lucan himself, and Senecio and Quintianus, did not 
omit to disclose their confederates wholesale ; while 
Nero's terror grew from more to more, though he 
had multiplied the strength of the guards surrounding 
his person. 

LVIII. He went further, and laid the very capital 
under a species of arrest : maniples held the walls ; 
the sea and the river themselves were occupied. 
And through squares and houses, even through the 
country districts and nearest towns, flitted footmen 
and horsemen, interspersed with Germans, 1 trusted 

3°7 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

princepe quasi externis. Continua tunc el vincta 
agmina trahi ac foribus hortorum adiacere. Atque 
ubi dicendarn ad causam introissent, laetatum ' 
erga coniuratos et fortuitua sermo et ~ubiti occursus, 
si convivium, si spectaculum simu] inissent, pro 
crimine accipi, cum super Neronis ac Tigellini saevas 
percontationes Faenius quoque Rufus violenter 
urgueret, nondum ab indicibus nominatus, et quo 
fidem inscitiae pararet. atrox adversos socios. [dem 
Subrio Flavo adsistenti adnuentique, an inter ip'-am 
cognitionem destringeret gladium caedemque pa- 
traret, renuit infregitque impetum iam manum ad 
cupuliim reff rentiv 

LIX. Fuere qui prodita eoniuratione, dum auditur 
Milichus, dum dubitat Scaevinus, hortarentur Piso- 
m ii pergi r< in castraaut rostra escendere studiaque 
militum it populi temptare. Si conatibus eius 
con cii adgregarentur, secuturos etiam integros ; 
iu;i'_ni;uijque motae rei famarn. quae plurimum in 
novis consdliis valeret. Nihil adversurn haec Neroni 
provisum. Etiaxn fortes viros subitis terreri, nedum 
ille scaenicus, 1 igellino scilicet cum paelicibus sui~ 
comitante, arms contra cieret. Multa experiendo 
confieri, quae segnibus ardua videantur. Frustra 
Bilentium et fidem in tot consciorum animis et 

1 laetatum dett. : lataturn Med. The corruption, fiowever, 
m i be far deeper. Tfie sense could be given approximately 
by something like : — introissent, <non henivolent>ia tantum 
<■<:■■. !<■'!.: et Bipontina fortuitua e.q. 8. 

1 Of the hotii 8ervilian\ chap. 55). 
308 



HOOK XV. i vni. ux. 

by the emperor because they were foreign. Then 
followed continuous columns of manacled men, 
dragged and deposited at the garden doors. 1 And 
when they entered to plead their cause, cheerful- 
ness towards a plotter, a chance conversation, an 
unforeseen meeting, an appearance at a banquet or 
spectacle in his company, were taken as crimes; 
while, over and above the pitiless cross-questioning 
of Nero and Tigellinus, there were the truculent 
attacks of Faenius Rufus, not yet named by the 
informers, and struggling to demonstrate his ignor- 
ance by browbeating his allies. It was the same 
RufuS who. when Subrius 1'lavus at his side in- 
quired by a motion if he should draw his sword and do 
the bloody deed during the actual inquiry, shook his 
head and checked the impulse which was already 
carrying his hand to his hilt. 

L1X. There were those who. after the betrayal 
of the plot, while Milichus was still in audience, 
Scaevinus still wavering, urged Piso to make his 
way to the camp, or mount the Rostra, and sound the 
dispositions oi the troops and the people: — " If his 
confederates rallied to his attempt, outsiders too 
would follow ; and the movement so started would be 
trumpeted abroad — a point of prime importance in 
planning revolutions. Nero had taken no precautions 
against a step of this kind. Even brave men could 
lose their nerve in emergencies : what likelihood 
that this play-actor, accompanied no doubt by 
Tigellinus and his lemans, would answer force with 
force? Many things which to the timid looked 
arduous were accomplished on attempt. It was idle 
to look for silence and good faith in the minds 
and persons of so many accomplices: torture 

3°9 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

corporibus sperare : cruciatui aut praeniio cuncta 
pervia esse. Venturos qui ipsum quoque vincirent, 
postremo indigna neee adficerent. Quanto lauda- 
bilius periturum, dum amplectitur rem publicam. 
dum auxilia libertati invocat. Miles pottos deesset 
et plebes desereret, dum ipse maioribus. dum posteris, 
si vita praeriperetur. mortem adprobaret. Inmotus 
his et paululum in publico versatus, post domi secre- 
tus, animum adversum suprema firmabat, donee 
manus militum adveniret, quos Nero tirones aut 
stipendiis recentis delegerat : nam vetus miles 
timebatur tamquam favore inbutus. Obiit abruptis 
brachiorum venis. Testamentum foedis ad versus 
Neronem adulationibus amori uxoris dedit, quam 
degenerem et sola corporis forma commendatam 
amici matrimonio abstulerat. Nomen mulieri 
Satria x Galla, priori marito Domitius Silus : hie 
patientia, ilia inpudicitia Pisonis infamiam propa- 
gavere. 

LX. Proximam necem Plautii Laterani consulis 
designati Nero adiungit, adeo propere, ut non 
complecti hberos, non illud breve mortis arbitrium 
permitteret. Raptus in locum servilibus poenis 
sepositum manu Statii tribuni trucidatur, plenus 
cortstantis silentii nee tribuno obiciens eandem 
conscientiam. 

Sequitur eaedes Annaei Senecae, laetissima princi- 
1 mulieri Satria Andresen : mulieris atria. 

1 The point of the remark is obscure. 

2 Known as the Sessorium, in the Campus Esquilinus. 
It was here that Galba's head was thrown by the slaves of 
Patrobius (Plut. Oalb. 28 — where the definition of the place 
is : — -f) rovs vtto ra>v Kaiodpon 1 KoXaioixivovs davarovaiv). — 
Lateranus' courage is noticed also by Epictetus (Diss. I. 1, 
19-20). 

3IO 



BOOK XV. lxx.-lx. 

or gold would find a way through anything! The 
men would come who would bind him also and 
put him at the last to an unworthy death. How 
much more honourably would he perish in the act 
of taking his country to his heart — of invoking help 
for liberty ! Sooner let the soldiers hold aloof 
and the commons forsake him, provided that he 
himself, were his life to be cut short, justified his 
death in the sight of his ancestors and of his de- 
scendants." Piso, unmoved by all this, spent a short 
time in public, then secluded himself at home, and 
steeled his spirit against the end, until a bodv of 
troops arrived, recruits or men new to the service, 
and chosen as such by Nero, the veterans being 
distrusted as tainted with partisanship. His mode 
of death was to sever the arteries of each arm. 
His will, marked by disgusting flatteries of Nero, 
was a concession to his love for his wife, whom, 
low-born as she was and x-ecommended onlv by 
physical beauty, he had stolen from the bed of one 
of his friends. The woman was named Satria Galla, 
her former husband Domitius Silius ; and by the 
complaisance of the latter and the profligacy of the 
former Piso's infamy was kept alive. 1 

LX. The next killing, that of the consul designate 
Plautius Lateranus, was added by Nero to the list 
with such speed that he allowed him neither to 
embrace his children nor the usual moment's respite 
in which to choose his death. Dragged to the 
place reserved for the execution of slaves, 2 he was 
slaughtered by the hand of the tribune Statius, 
resolutely silent and disdaining to reproach the tri- 
bune with his complicity in the same affair. 

There followed the murder of Annaeus Seneca, a 

3ii 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

pi, non quia coniurationis manifestum compererat, 
sed ut ferro grassaretur, quando venerium non 
processerat. Solus quippe Natalis et hactenus 
prompsit, missum se ad aegrotum Senecam, uti 
viseret conquerereturque, cur Pisonem aditu arceret : 
melius fore, si amicitiam familiari congressu exercuis- 
sent. Et respondisse Senecam sermones mutuos et 
crebra conloquia neutri conducei-e ; ceterum salutem 
suam incolumitate Pisonis inniti. Haec ferre 
Gavius x Silvanus tribunus praetoriae cohortis, et an 
dicta Natalis suaque responsa nosceret percontari 
Senecam iubetur. Is forte an prudens ad eum diem 
ex Campania remeaverat quartumque apud lapidem 
suburbano rure substiterat. Illo propinqua vespera 
tribunus venit et villam globis militum saepsit ; turn 
ipsi cum Pompeia Paulina uxore et amicis duobus 
epulanti mandata imperatoris edidit. 

LXI. Seneca missum ad se Natalem conquestum- 
que nomine Pisonis, quod a visendo eo prohiberetur, 
seque rationem valetudinis et amorem quietis 
excusavisse respondit. Cur salutem privati hominis 
incolumitati suae anteferret, causam non habuisse ; 
nee sibi promptum in adulationes ingenium. Idque 
nulli magis gnarum quam Neroni, qui saepius liberta- 
tem Senecae quam servitium expertus esset. Ubi 
haec a tribuno relata sunt Poppaea et Tigellino 
coram, quod erat saevienti principi intimum con- 

1 Gavius Bekker : jrravius. 



1 Seneca denies the possibility of his having said salutem 
suam incolumitate Pisonis inniti : — He cannot have made the 
remark in earnest, for the only person whose safety he ranks 
above his own is the emperor : he cannot have made it out of 
empty civility, for such complaisances are alien to his nature. 

312 



BOOK XV. lx.-lxi. 

joyful event to the sovereign : not that he had es- 
tablished his connection with the plot, but, as poison 
had not worked, he was anxious to proceed by the 
sword. Only Natalis, in fact, mentioned Seneca : nor 
did his statement go further than that he had been 
sent to visit him when sick and to make a com- 
plaint : — " Why did he close his door on Piso ? It 
would be better if they cultivated their friendship 
by meeting on intimate terms." Seneca's answer 
had been that " spoken exchanges and frequent 
interviews were to the advantage of neither: still, 
his own existence depended on the safety of Piso." 
Gavius Silvanus, tribune of a praetorian cohort, was 
instructed to take this report and ask Seneca if he 
admitted Natalis' words and his own reply. By 
accident or design, Seneca that day had returned 
from Campania and broke his journey at one of his 
country-houses four miles out of Rome. Evening 
was near when the tribune arrived and surrounded 
the villa with pickets of soldiers : then he delivered 
the imperial message to the owner, who was dining 
with his wife Pompeia Paulina and two friends. 

LXI. Seneca rejoined that " Natalis had been 
sent to him, and had remonstrated in Piso's name 
against his refusal to receive his visits. By way of 
excuse, he had pleaded considerations of health and 
love of quiet. He had had no reason for ranking 
the security of a private person higher than his own 
safety, and his temper was not one which was quick 
to flattery : no one was better aware of that than 
Nero, who had more often experienced the frankness 
of Seneca than his servility." 1 When the tribune 
made his report in the presence of Poppaea and 
Tigellinus — the emperor's privy council in his 

3*3 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

siliorum, interrogat an Seneca voluntariam mortem 
pararet. Turn tribunus nulla pavoris signa, nihil 
triste in verbis eius aut vultu deprensum confirmavit. 
Ergo regredi et indicere mortem iubetur. Tradit 
Fabius Rusticus non eo quo venerat itinere reditum, 
sed flexisse ad Faenium praefectum, et expositis 
Caesaris iussis an obtemperaret interrogavisse, 
monitumque ab eo ut exsequeretur, fatali omnium 
ignavia. Nam et Silvanus inter coniuratos erat 
augebatque scelera, in quorum ultionem con- 
senserat. Voci tamen et aspectui pepercit intromi- 
sitque ad Senecam unum ex centurionibus, qui 
necessitatem ultimam denuntiaret. 

LXII. Ille interritus poscit testamenti tabulas ; 
ac denegante centurione conversus ad amicos, 
quando mentis eorum referre gratiam prohiberetur, 
quod unum iam et tamen pulcherrimum habeat, 
imaginem vitae suae relinquere testatur, cuius si 
memores essent, bonarum artium famam preiium 1 
tarn constantis amicitiae laturos. Simul lacrimas 
eorum modo sermone, modo intentior in modum 
coercentis ad firmitudinem revocat, rogitans ubi 
praecepta sapientiae, ubi tot per annos meditata 
ratio adversum imminentia ? Cui enim ignaram 
fuisse saevitiam Neronis ? Neque aliud superesse 
post matrem fratremque 2 interfectos, quam ut 
educatoris praeceptorisque necem adiceret. 

1 <pretium> Nipperdey. 

2 fratremque] fratresque Nipperdey. 

1 XIII. 20 a. 
3*4 



BOOK XV. lxi.-lxii. 

ferocious moods — Nero demanded if Seneca was 
preparing for a voluntary death. The officer then 
assured him that there were no evidences of alarm, 
and that he had not detected any sadness in his words 
or looks. He was therefore directed to go back and 
pronounce the death-sentence. Fabius Rusticus x 
states that, instead of returning by the road he had 
come, the tribune went out of his way to the prefect 
Faenius, and, after recapitulating the Caesar's orders, 
asked if he should obey them ; only to be advised 
by Faenius to carry them out. Fate had made 
cowards of them all. For Silvanus, too, was num- 
bered with the plotters ; and now he was engaged 
in adding to the crimes he had conspired to avenge. 
However, he was so far considerate of his voice and 
his eyes as to send one of his centurions in to Seneca, 
to announce the last necessity. 

LXII. Seneca, nothing daunted, asked for the 
tablets containing his will. The centurion refusing, 
he turned to his friends, and called them to witness 
that "as he was prevented from showing his grati- 
tude for their services, he left them his sole but 
fairest possession — the image of his life. If they 
bore it in mind, thev would reap the reward of their 
loyal friendship in the credit accorded to virtuous 
accomplishments." At the same time, he recalled 
them from tears to fortitude, sometimes conversa- 
tionally, sometimes in sterner, almost coercive tones. 
" Where," he asked, " were the maxims of their 
philosophy ? Where that reasoned attitude towards 
impending evils which they had studied through so 
many years? For to whom had Nero's cruelty 
been unknown ? Nor was anything left him, after 
the killing of his mother and his brother, but to 
add the murder of his guardian and preceptor." 

315 

VOL. IV. L 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

LXIII. Ubi haec atque talia velut in commune 
disseruit, complectitur uxorem, et paululum adversus 
praesentem formidinem x mollitus rogat oratque 
temperaret dolori neu aeternum susciperet, sed in 
contemplatione vitae per virtutem actae desiderium 
mariti solaciis honestis toleraret. Ilia contra sibi 
quoque destinatam mortem adseverat manumque 
percussoris exposcit. Turn Seneca gloriae eius non 
adversus, simul amore, ne sibi unice dilectam ad 
iniurias relinqueret, " Vitae " inquit " delenimenta 
monstraveram tibi, tu mortis decus mavis : non 
invidebo exemplo. Sit huius tarn fortis exitus con- 
stantia penes utrosque par, claritudinis plus in tuo 
fine." Post quae eodem ictu brachia ferro exsolvunt. 
Seneca, quoniam senile corpus et parco victu tenua- 
tum lenta efFugia sanguini praebebat, crurum quoque 
et poplitum venas abrumpit ; saevisque cruciatibus 
defessus, ne dolore suo animum uxoris infringeret 
atque ipse visendo eius tormenta ad inpatientiam 
delaberetur, suadet in aliud cubiculum abscedere. 
Et novissimo quoque memento suppeditante elo- 
quentia advocatis scriptoribus pleraque tradidit. 
quae in vulgus edita eius verbis invertere supersedeo. 

LXIV. At Nero nullo in Paulinam proprio odio, ac 

1 formidinem dett. : fortitudinem. 

1 The road of freedom was longer than it seemed when he 
wrote the words : — Scalpello aperitur ad Mam mag nam liber- 
tat em via, ei punclo securitas constat (Ep. 70). 

316 



BOOK XV. iatit.-ia-iv. 

LXIII. After these and some similar remarks, 
which might have been meant for a wider audience, 
he embraced his wife, and, softening momentarily 
in view of the terrors at present threatening her, 
begged her, conjured her, to moderate her grief — 
not to take it upon her for ever, but in contemplating 
the life he had spent in virtue to find legitimate solace 
for the loss of her husband. Paulina replied by 
assuring him that she too had made death her 
choice, and she demanded her part in the execu- 
tioner's stroke. Seneca, not wishing to stand in 
the way of her glory, and influenced also by his 
affection, that he might not leave the woman who 
enjoyed his whole-hearted love exposed to outrage, 
now said : " I had shown you the mitigations of life, 
you prefer the distinction of death : I shall not 
grudge your setting that example. May the 
courage of this brave ending be divided equally 
between us both, but may more of fame attend your 
own departure ! " After this, they made the 
incision in their arms with a single cut. Seneca, 
since his aged body, emaciated fm-ther by frugal 
living, gave slow escape to the blood, severed as 
well the arteries in the leg and behind the knee. 1 
Exhausted by the racking pains, and anxious lest 
his sufferings might break down the spirit of his 
wife, and he himself lapse into weakness at the 
sight of her agony, he persuaded her to withdraw 
into another bedroom. And since, even at the last 
moment his eloquence remained at command, he 
called his secretaries, and dictated a long discourse, 
which has been given to the public in his own words, 
and which I therefore refrain from modifying. 

LXIV. Nero, however, who had no private ani- 

317 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

ne glisceret inviclia crudelitatis, iubet 1 inhiberi mor- 
tem. Hortantibus militibus servi libertique obligant 
brachia, premunt sanguinem, incertum an ignarae. 
Nam, ut est vulgus ad deteriora promptum, non 
defuere qui crederent, donee inplaoabilem Neronem 
timuerit, famam sociatae cum marito mortis petivisse, 
deinde oblata mitiore spe blandimentis vitae evictam : 
cui addidit paucos postea annos, laudabili in maritum 
memoria et ore ac membris in eura pailorem albenti- 
bus, ut ostentui esset multum vitalis spiritus egestum. 
Seneca interim, durante tractu et lentitudine mortis, 
Statium Annaeum. diu sibi amicitiae fide et arte 
medicinae probatum, orat provisum pridem venerium, 
quo damnati publico Atheniensium iudicio extingue- 
rentur, promeret ; adlatumque hausit frustra, f'rigi- 
dus iam artus et cluso corpore adversum vim veneni. 
Postremo stagnum calidae aquae introiit, respergens 
proximos servorum addita voce, libare se liquorem 
ilium Iovi liberatori. Exim balneo inlatus et vapore 
eius exanimatus, sine ullo funeris sollemni crematur. 
Ita codicillis praescripserat, cum etiam turn praedives 
et praepotens supremis suis consuleret. 

LXV. Fama fuit Subrium Flavum 2 cum centurioni 

1 <iubet> Heinsius. 2 Flavum Bekker: flavium. 



1 Hemlock — a choice to be expected. 

2 The same remark is made by Thrasea at XVI. 35 — the 
only other place, 'X is said, apart from coins of Nero and a 
calendar, in which this Latin version of Zevs 'EXevOepios 
occurs. 

318 



BOOK XV. lxiv.-lxv. 

mosity against Paulina, and did not wish to increase 
the odium of his cruelty, ordered her suicide to be 
arrested. Under instructions from the military, her 
slaves and freedmen bandaged her arms and checked 
the bleeding — whether without her knowledge is un- 
certain. For, with the usual readiness of the multitude 
to think the worst, there were those who believed 
that, so long as she feared an implacable Nero, she 
had sought the credit of sharing her husband's fate, 
and then, when a milder prospect offered itself, had 
succumbed to the blandishments of life. To that 
life she added a few more years — laudably faithful to 
her husband s memory and blanched in face and 
limb to a pallor which showed how great had been 
the drain upon her vital powers. Seneca, in the 
meantime, as death continued to be protracted and 
slow, asked Statius Annaeus, who had long held his 
confidence as a loyal friend and a skilful doctor, to 
produce the poison — it had been provided much 
earlier— which was used for despatching prisoners 
condemned by the public tribunal of Athens. 1 It 
was brought, and he swallowed it, but to no purpose ; 
his limbs were already cold, and his system closed 
to the action of the drug. In the last resort, he 
entered a vessel of heated water, sprinkling some on 
the slaves nearest, with the remark that he offered 
the liquid as a drink-offering to Jove the Liberator. 2 
He was then lifted into a bath, suffocated by the 
vapour, and cremated without ceremony. It was 
the order he had given in his will, at a time when, 
still at the zenith of his wealth and power, he was 
already taking thought for his latter end. 

LXV. It was rumoured that Subrius Flavus and 
the centurions had decided in private conference, 

3 J 9 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

bus occulto consilio. neque tamen ignorante Seneca, 
destinavisse, ut post occisum opera Pisonis Neronem 
Piso quoque interficeretur tradereturque imperium 
Senecae. quasi insontibus claritudine virtutum ad 
summuin f'astigium delecto. Quin et verba Flavi 1 
vulgabantur, non referre dedecori, si citharoedus 
demoveretur et tragoedus suecederet, quia ut Nero 
cithara, ita Piso tragico ornatu canebat. 

LXVI. Ceterum militaris quoque conspiratio non 
ultra fefellit, accensis indicibus ad prodendum 
Faenium Rufum, quern eundem conscium et inquisi- 
torem non tolerabant. Ergo instanti minitantique 
renidens Scaevinus neminem ait plura scire quam 
ipsum, hortaturque ultro redderet tarn bono principi 
vicem. Non vox adversurn ea Faenio, non silentiurn, 
sed verba sua praepediens et pavoris manifestus, 
ceterisque et rnaxime Cervario Proculo equite Ro- 
mano 2 ad convincendum eum conisis. iussu impera- 
toris a Cassio milite, qui ob insigne corporis robur 
adstabat, corripitur vinciturque. 

LXVII. Mox eorundem indicio Subrius Flavus 
tribunus pervertitur, primo dissimilitudinem morum 
ad defensionem trahens, neque se armaturn cum 
inermibus et efFeminatis tantum facinus consocia- 
turum ; dein, postquam urguebatur, confessionis 

1 Flavi Bekker : flavii. 

2 equite R. Orelli : equiter. 



1 He took the title part in lyrical tragedies, as was con- 
stantly done by the emperor himself : cf. e.g. Suet. Ner. 21, 
inter cetera cantavit Canacen parturientem, Oresten matricidam, 
Oedipodem occaecatum, Herculem insanum. The details of 
these performances are largely uncertain. 

320 



BOOK XV. lxv.-lxvii. 

though not without Seneca's knowledge, that, once 
Nero had been struck down by the agency of Piso, 
Piso should be disposed of in his turn, and the empire 
made over to Seneca ; who would thus appear to 
have been chosen for the supreme power by innocent 
men, as a consequence of his distinguished virtues. 
More than this, there was a saying of Flavus 
in circulation, that " so far as disgrace went, it was 
immaterial if a harper was removed and a tragic 
actor took his place " ; for Nero singing to his 
instrument was matched by Piso singing in his stage 
costume. 1 

LXVI. But the military conspiracy itself no longer 
evaded detection ; for the informers were stung into 
denouncing Faenius Rufus, whom they could not 
tolerate in the double part of accomplice and inquisi- 
tor. Accordingly, in the midst of Faenius' brow- 
beating and threats, Scaevinus observed with a 
civil sneer that no one knew more than himself, and 
presented him with the advice to show his gratitude 
to so kindly a prince. Faenius was unable to retort 
either by speech or by silence. Tripping over his 
words, and patently terrified, while the rest — and 
notably the Roman knight Cervarius Proculus — 
strained every nerve for his conviction, he was 
seized and bound, at the emperor's order, by the 
private soldier Cassius, who was standing near in 
consideration of his remarkable bodily strength. 

LXVII. Before long, the evidence of the same 
group destroyed the tribune Subrius Flavus. At 
first he sought to make unlikeness of character a 
ground of defence : a man of the sword, like himself, 
would never have shared so desperate an enterprise 
with unarmed effeminates. Then, as he was pressed 

321 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

gloriam amplexus. Interrogatusque a Nerone, qui- 
bus causis ad oblivionem sacramenti processisset, 
" Oderam te " inquit, " nee quisquam tibi fidelior 
militum fiiit, dum amari meruisti. Odisse coepi. 
pobtquam parricida matris 1 et uxoris, auriga et 
histrio et incendiarius extitisti." Ipsa rettuli verba, 
quia non, ut Senecae, vulgata erant, nee minus nosci 
decebat militaris viri sensus ineomptos et validos. 
Nihil in ilia coniuratione gravius auribus Neronis 
aeeidisse constitit. qui ut faciendis sceleribus promp- 
tus, ita audiendi quae faceret insolens erat. Poena 
Flavi Veianio Nigro tribuno mandatur. Is proximo 
in agro scrobem efFodi iussit, quam visam 2 Flavus ut 
humilem et angustam increpans, eircumstantibus 
militibus. " Ne hoc quidem " inquit " ex disciplina." 
Admonitusque fortiter protendere cervicem, " Uti- 
nam " ait " tu tam fortiter ferias ! " Et ille multum 
tremens, cum vix duobus ictibus caput amputavisset, 
saevitiam apud Neronem iactavit, sesquiplaga inter- 
fectum a se dicendo. 

LXVIII. Proximum constantiae exemplum Sulpi- 
cius Asper centurio praebuit, percontanti Neroni, cur 
in caedem suam conspiravisset, breviter respondens 
non aliter tot flagitiis eius subveniri potuisse. Turn 
iussam poenam subiit. Nee ceteri centuriones in 
perpetiendis suppliciis degeneravere : at non Faenio 



1 matris <et fratris> Xipperdey. 

2 quani visam Walther : quamvis. 



322 



BOOK XV. Lxvu.-Lxvm. 

more closely, he embraced the glory of confession. 
Questioned by Nero as to the motives which had led 
him so far as to forget his military oath : — " I hated 
you," he answered, " and yet there was not a man 
in the army truer to you, as long as you deserved 
to be loved. I began to hate you when you turned 
into the murderer of your mother and wife — a 
chariot-driver, an actor, a fire-raiser." I have 
reported his exact words ; for, unlike those of Seneca, 
they were given no publicity ; and the plain, strong 
sentiments of the soldier were not the less worth 
knowing. It was notorious that nothing in this 
conspiracy fell more harshly on the ears of Nero, who 
was equally ready to commit crimes and unaccus- 
tomed to be informed of what he was committing. 
The execution of Flavus was entrusted to the tribune 
Veianius Niger. Niger gave orders for a grave to be 
dug in a neighbouring field ; where it was criticized 
by Flavus as neither deep nor broad enough : — 

Faulty discipline even here," he observed to the 
soldiers around. When admonished to hold his 
neck out firmly : — " I only hope," he said, " that 
vou will strike as firmly ! " Shaking violently, the 
tribune severed the head with some difficulty at 
two blows, and boasted of his brutality to Nero by 
saying that he had killed with a stroke and a half. 

LXVIII. The next example of intrepidity was 
furnished by Sulpicius Asper ; who to Nero's question, 
why he had conspired to murder him, rejoined 
curtly that it was the only service that could be 
rendered to his many infamies. He then underwent 
the ordained penalty. The other centurions, as 
well, met their fate without declining from their 
traditions ; but such resolution was not for Faenius 

3 2 3 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Rufo par animus, sed lamentationes suas etiam in 
testamentum contulit. 

Opperiebatur Nero, ut Vestinus quoque consul in 
crimen attraheretur, violentum et infensum ratus : 
sed ex coniuratis consilia cum Vestino non miscuerant, 
quidam vetustis in eum simultatibus, plures, quia 
praecipitem et insociabilem credebant. Ceterum 
Neroni odium adversus Vestinum ex intima sodalitate 
coeperat, dum hie ignaviam principis penitus 
cognitam despicit, ille ferociam amici metuit, saepe 
asperis facetiis inlusus, quae ubi multum ex vero 
traxere, acrem sui memoriam relinquunt. Acces- 
serat repens causa, quod Vestinus Statiliam Messa- 
linam matrimonio sibi iunxerat, haud nescius inter 
adulteros eius et Caesarem esse. 

LXIX. Igiturnoncrimine, non accusatoi'e existente, 
quia speciem iudicis induere non poterat, ad vim 
dominationis conversus Gerellanum tribunum cum 
cohorte militum inmittit iubetque praevenire conatus 
consulis, occupare velut arcem eius, opprimere 
delectam iuventutem, quia Vestinus inminentis foro 
aedes decoraque servitia et pari aetate habebat. 
C'uncta eo die munia consulis impleverat convivium- 
que celebrabat, nihil metuens an dissimulando metu, 
cum ingressi milites vocari eum a tribuno dixere. 
Ille nihil demoratus exsurgit et omnia simul pro- 
perantur: clauditur cubiculo, praesto est medicus, 



1 Great-great-granddaughter of the Statilius Taurus men- 
tioned at VI. 11. After the death of Poppaea, she became the 
wife of Nero, her fifth husband, " post quern interemptum el 
opibus et jama et ingenio plurimitm valuit' n (S. Juv. VI. 434). 
Otho had destined her for his wife, and his two last letters were 
for her and his sister (Suet. Oth. 10). 

3 2 4 



BOOK XV. lxviii.-lxix. 

Rufus, who imported his lamentations even into his 
will. 

Nero was waiting for the consul Vestinus to be also 
incriminated, regarding him as a violent character 
and an enemy. But the conspirators had not shared 
their plans with Vestinus — some through old ani- 
mosities, the majority because they considered 
him headstrong and impossible as a partner. Nero's 
hatred of him had grown out of intimate companion- 
ship — Vestinus understanding perfectly, and de- 
spising, the pusillanimity of the sovereign ; the 
sovereign afraid of the masterful friend who so often 
mocked him with that rough humour which, if it 
draws too largely on truth, leaves pungent memories 
behind. An additional, and recent, motive was 
that Vestinus had contracted a marriage with 
Statilia Messalina, 1 though well aware that the 
Caesar also was among her paramours. 

LXIX. Accordingly, with neither a charge nor an 
accuser forthcoming, Nero, precluded from assuming 
the character of judge, turned to plain despotic 
force, and sent out the tribune Gerellanus with 
a cohort of soldiers, under orders to " forestall the 
attempts of the consul, seize what might be termed 
his citadel, and suppress his chosen corps of youths " : 
Vestinus maintained a house overlooking the forum, 
and a retinue of handsome slaves of uniform age. 
On that day, he had fulfilled the whole of his consular 
functions, and was holding a dinner-party, either 
apprehending nothing or anxious to dissemble 
whatever he apprehended, when soldiers entered 
and said the tribune was asking for him. He rose 
without delay, and all was hurried through in a 
moment. He shut himself in his bedroom, the 

3 2 5 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

abscinduntur venae, vigens adhuc balneo infertur, 
calida aqua mersatur. nulla edita voce, qua semet 
miseraretur. Circumdati interim custodia qui simul 
discubuerant, nee nisi provecta nocte omissi sunt, 
postquam pavorem eorum, ex mensa exitium 
opperientium, et imaginatus et inridens Nero satis 
supplieii luisse ait pro epulis consularibus. 

LXX. Exim Annaei 1 Lucani caedem imperat. Is 
profluente sanguine ubi frigescere pedes manusque 
et paulatim ab extremis cedere spiritum fervido 
adhuc et compote mentis pectore intellegit, recordatus 
carmen a se compositum, quo vulneratum militem 
per eius modi mortis imaginem obisse tradiderat, 
versus ipsos rettulit, eaque illi suprema vox fuit. 
Senecio posthac et Quinlianus et Scaevinus non e 
priore vitae mollitia, mox reliqui coniuratorum 
periere, nullo facto dictove memorando. 

LXXI. Sed compleri interim urbs funeribus, 
Capitolium victimis ; alius filio, fratre alius aut 
propinquo aut amico interfectis, agere grates deis, 
ornare lauru domum genua ipsius advolvi et dextram 
osculis fatigare. Atque ille gaudium id credens 
Antonii Natalis et Cervarii Proculi festinata indicia 
inpunitate remuneratur. Milichus praemiis ditatus 
conservatoris sibi nomen, Graeco eius rei vocabulo, 

1 Annaei Hitler (M. Annaei Rhenanus) : mane na et. 



1 Unfortunately, few worse passages can have revisited the 
memory of a dying man. The most relevant and least absurd 
lines are (III. 642 sqq.) : — pars ultima trunci Tradidit in letum 
vacuo* vitalibus art us; At tumid us quu pulmo iacet, qua viscera 
fervent, Haeserunt ibi fata diu, Ivctataque multum Hoc cum 
parte viri vix omnia membra tulerunt. In Suetonius, the ruling 
passion finds another vent : — Codicillos ad patrem de corri- 
gendis quibusdam versibus suis exaravit, epulatusque largiler 
brachia ad secandas venas medico praebuit (vit. Luc. ad fin.). 
326 



BOOK XV. ia-ix. -lxxi. 

doctor was at hand, the arteries were cut: still 
vigorous, he was carried into the bath and plunged 
in hot water, without letting fall a word of self-pity. 
In the meantime, the guests who had been at table 
with him were surrounded by guards ; nor were 
they released till a late hour of the night, when 
Nero, laughing at the dismay, which he had been 
picturing in his mind's eye, of the diners who were 
awaiting destruction after the feast, observed that 
they had paid dearly enough for their consular 
banquet. 

LXX. He next ordained the despatch of Lucan. 
When his blood was flowing, and he felt his feet and 
hands chilling and the life receding little by little 
from the extremities, though the heart retained 
warmth and sentience, Lucan recalled a passage in 
his own poem, where he had described a wounded 
soldier dying a similar form of death, and he recited 
the very verses. 1 Those were his last words. Then 
Senecio and Quintianus and Scaevinus, belying their 
old effeminacy of life, and then the rest of the con- 
spirators, met their end, doing and saying nothing 
that calls for remembrance. 

LXXI. Meanwhile, however, the city was filled 
with funerals, and the Capitol with burnt offerings. 
Here, for the killing of a son ; there, for that of a 
brother, a kinsman, or a friend ; men were addressing 
their thanks to Heaven, bedecking their mansions 
with bays, falling at the knees of the sovereign, and 
persecuting his hand with kisses. And he, imagining 
that this was joy, recompensed the hurried informa- 
tions of Antonius Xatalis and Cervarius Proculus by 
a grant of immunity. Milichus, grown rich on 
rewards, assumed in its Greek form the title of 

3 2 7 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

adsumpsit. E tribunis Gavins Silvanus, quamvis 
absolutus, sua manu cecidit ; Statius Proxumus 
veniam, quam ab imperatore acceperat, vanitate 
exitus corrupit. Exuti dehinc tribunatu . . . 1 
Pompeius, Cornelius Martialis, Flavius Nepos, Statius 
Domitius. quasi principem non quidem odissent, sed 
tamen exis-timarentur. Novio Prisco per amicitiam 
Senecae et Glitio Gallo atque Annio Pollioni infaraa- 
tis magis quam eonvietis data exilia. Priscum 
Artoria Flaccilla coniunx eomitata est, Galium 
Egnatia Maximilla. magnis primum et integris 
opibus, post ademptis, quae utraque gloriam eius 
auxere. Pellitur et Rufrius Crispinus occasione 
coniurationis, sed Neroni invisus, quod Poppaeam 
quondam matrimonio tenuerat. Yerginium Flavum 
et Musonium 2 Rufum claritudo nominis expulit : 
nam Verginius studia iuvenum eloquentia, Musonius 
praeceptis sapientiae fovebat. Cluvidieno Quieto, 
Iulio Agrippae, Blitio Catulino, Petronio Prisco. 
Iulio Altino, velut in agmen et numerum, Aegaei 
maris insulae permittuntur. At Caedicia 3 uxor 
Scaevini et Caesennius 4 Maximus Italia prohibentur, 
reos fuisse se tantum poena experti. Acilia mater 
Annaei Lucani sine absolutione, sine supplicio 
dissimulata. 

1 . . . Bitter. — A p> aenomen or cognomen is missing . 

2 <Flavum et Musonium> Kuperti, <et Musoiiium 
Lipsius> 

3 Caedicia Orelli : cadicia. 

4 Caesennius] Caesonius Mart. VII, 44. 

1 Commanders of praetorian cohorts. The number involved 
or under suspicion — six mentioned here, and Subrius Flavus — 
is remarkable. 

- What the end may have been, is unknown. 

328 



BOOK XV. lxxi. 

Saviour. Of the tribunes, 1 Gavins Silvanus, though 
acquitted, fell by his own hand ; Statius Proxumus 
stultified the pardon he had received from the 
emperor by the folly of his end. 2 Then . . . Pom- 
peius, Cornelius Martialis, Flavius Nepos, and 
Statius Domitius, were deprived of their rank, on 
the ground that, without hating the Caesar, they 
had yet the reputation of doing so. Novius Priscus, 
as a friend of Seneca, Glitius Gallus and Annius 
Pollio as discredited if hardly convicted, were 
favoured with sentences of exile. Priscus was 
accompanied by his wife Artoria Flaccilla, Gallus by 
Egnatia Maximilla, 3 the mistress of a great fortune, 
at first left intact but afterwards confiscated — two 
circumstances which redounded equally to her fame. 
Rufrius Crispinus was also banished : the conspiracy 
supplied the occasion, but he was detested by Nero 
as a former husband of Poppaea. To Verginius 
Flavus 4 and Musonius Rufus expulsion was brought 
by the lustre of their names ; for Verginius fostered 
the studies of youth by his eloquence, Musonius by 
the precepts of philosophy. As though to complete 
the troop and a round number, Cluvidienus Quietus, 
Julius Agrippa, Blitius Catulinus, Petronius Priscus, 
and Julius Altinus were allowed the Aegean islands. 
But Scaevinus' wife Caedicia and Caesennius Maxi- 
mus 5 were debarred from Italy, and by their punish- 
ment — and that alone — discovered that they had 
been on trial. Lucan's mother Acilia was ignored, 
without acquittal and without penalty. 

3 The pair spent their exile in Andros, where an inscription 
has survived to attest their popularity. 

* A rhetorician and tutor of Persius. — For Musonius, see 
XIV. 59 n. 

5 A friend oi Seneca (Ep. 87 : ci. Mart. VII. 44, 45). 

329 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

LXXII. Quibus perpetratis Nero et contione 
militum habita bina nummum milia viritim manipu- 
laribus divisit addiditque sine pretio frumentum, 
quo ante ex modo annonae utebantur. Turn, 
quasi gesta bello expositurus, vocat senatum et 
triumphale decus Petronio Turpiliano consulari. 
Cocceio Nervae praetori designato, Tigellino prae- 
fecto praetorii tribuit, Tigellinum et Nervam ita 
extollens, ut super triumphalis in foro imagines apud 
Palatium quoque effigies eorum sisteret. Consularia 
insignia Nvmphidio, . . - 1 quia nunc primum obla- 
tus est, pauca repetam : nam et ipse pars Romana- 
rum cladium erit. Igitur matre libertina ortus, 
quae corpus decorum inter servos libertosque princi- 
pum vulgaverat, ex Gaio Caesare se genitum ferebat. 
quoniam forte quadam habitu procerus et torvo 
vultu erat, sive Gaius Caesar, scortorum quoque 
cupiens, etiam matri eius inlusit . . . 2 

LXXIII. Sed Nero 3 oratione inter patres habita, 
edictum apud populum et conlata in libros indicia 
confessionesque damnatorum adiunxit. Etenim cre- 
bro vulgi rumore lacerabatur, tamquam viros claros 
et insontis ob invidiam aut metum extinxisset. 

1 . . . Biller. 

2 . . . Wurin. 

3 Nero Nipperdey : Nero vocato senatu. 

1 The praetorians. — The corn-ration of the legionaries seems 
to have been already gratuitous : at all events, there is no 
mention of it as a charge on their pay, in the list of grievances 
at I. 17. 

2 See XIV. 29 n. : Nerva is the future emperor. 

3 He now replaced Faenius Rufus as Tieellinus' colleague in 
the praetorian prefectship, an appointment which must have 
been mentioned either in this lacuna or in the next. The only 
detailed account of his treachery, first to Nero, then to Galba, 

33o 



BOOK XV. lxxii.-ia.xiii. 

LXII. Now that all was over, Nero held a meeting 
of the troops, 1 and made a distribution of two thousand 
sesterces a man, remitting in addition the price of 
the grain ration previously supplied to them at the 
current market rate. Then, as if to recount the 
achievements of a war, he convoked the senate and 
bestowed triumphal distinctions on the consular 
Petronius Turpilianus, 2 the praetor designate Cocceius 
Nerva, and the praetorian prefect Tigellinus : Nerva 
and Tigellinus he exalted so far that, not content 
with triumphal statues in the Forum, he placed 
their effigies in the palace itself. Consular insignia 
were decreed to Nymphidius /Sabinus 3 . . .). As 
Nymphidius now presents himself for the first time, 
I notice him briefly ; for he too will be part of the 
tragedies of Rome. The son, then, of a freedwoman 4 
who had prostituted her handsome person among the 
slaves and freedmen of emperors, he described himself 
as the issue of Gaius Caesar : for some freak of 
chance had given him a tall figure and a lowering 
brow ; or, possibly, Gaius, whose appetite extended 
even to harlots, had abused this man's mother with 
the rest . . . 

LXXIII. However, after he had spoken in the 
senate, Nero followed by publishing an edict to the 
people and a collection, in writing, of the informations 
laid and the avowals of the condemned ; for in the 
gossip of the multitude he was being commonly 
attacked for procuring the destruction of great and 
guiltless citizens from motives of jealousy or of fear. 

and his killing by the guards is furnished by Plutarch (Oalb. 
2; 8 sq.; 13 sqq.). 

* Daughter, according to Plutarch, of Callistus (XI. 29 n.) 
by an aKearpia eVi/Lu'atfios. The probable father of the new 
prefect he gives as an eminent gladiator, Martianus. 

331 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Ceterum coeptam adultamque et revictam coniura- 
tionem neque tunc dubitavere, quibus verum no- 
scendi cura erat, et fatentur, qui post interitum 
Neronis in urbem regressi sunt. At in senatu 
cunctis, ut cuique plurimum maeroris, in adula- 
tionem demissis, Iunium Gallionem, Senecae fratris 
morte pavidum et pro sua incolumitate supplicem, 
inerepuit Salienus Clemens, hostem et parricidam 
vocans, donee consensu patrum detervitus est, ne 
publicis malis abuti ad occasionem privati odii 
videretur, neu composita aut oblitterata mansuetu- 
dine principis novam ad saevitiam retraheret. 

LXXIV. Turn dona 1 et grates deis decernuntur, 
propriusque honos Soli, cui est vetus aedes apud 
circum, in quo facinus parabatur, qui occulta coniu- 
rationis numine retexisset ; utque circensium Cere- 
alium ludicrum pluribus equorum cursibus cele- 
braretur mensisque Aprilis Neronis cognomentum 
aceiperet ; templum Saluti exstrueretur eo loci . . , 2 
ex quo Scaevinus ferrum prompserat. Ipse eum 
pugionem apud Capitolium sacravit inscripsitque 
Iovi Vindici : in praesens haud animadversum post 

1 dona J. F. Gronovius : decreta dona. 

2 . . . Nipperdey. 

1 Originally M. Annaeus Novatus; then, after his adoption 
(VI. 3 n.), L. Annaeus lunius Gallic He owes his celebrity 
to the proconsulate of Achaia which brought him into contact 
with St. Paul (Acts xviii. 12 sqq.). He perished a yoar after 
the Pisonian conspiracy — by suicide, according to Jerome. 

3 XVI. 12 n. 

33 2 



BOOK XV. lxxhi.-lxxiv. 

Still, that a conspiracy was initiated, matured, and 
brought home to its authors, was neither doubted 
at the period by those who were at pains to ascertain 
the facts, nor is denied by the exiles who have 
returned to the capital since the death of Nero. 
But in the senate, whilst all members, especially 
those with most to mourn, were stooping to syco- 
phancy, Junius Gallio, 1 dismayed by the death of his 
brother Seneca, and petitioning for his own existence, 
was attacked by Salienus Clemens, who styled him 
the enemy and parricide of his country ; until he 
was deterred by the unanimous request of the 
Fathers that he would avoid the appearance of 
abusing a national sorrow for the purposes of a 
private hatred, and would not reawaken cruelty by 
recurring to matters either settled or cancelled by 
the clemency of the sovereign. 

LXXIV. Offerings and thanks were then voted to 
Heaven, the Sun, who has an old temple in the 
Circus, where the crime was to be staged, receiving 
special honour for revealing by his divine power the 
secrets of the conspiracy. The Circensian Games of 
Ceres were to be celebrated with an increased 
number of horse-races ; the month of April was to 
take the name of Nero ; 2 a temple of Safety was to 
be erected on the site . . . 3 from which Scaevinus 
had taken his dagger. That weapon the emperor 
himself consecrated in the Capitol, and inscribed 
it : — To Jove the Avenger. At the time, the incident 
passed unnoticed : after the armed rising of the other 

3 In the lacuna were specified, first the point of Rome at 
which a new temple was to be erected to Salus, then the 
memorial to be placed in her old temple at Ferentinum 
(chap. 53). 

333 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

arrna lulu Vindicis ad auspicium et praesagium 
futurae ultionis trahebatur. Reperio in commen- 
tariis senatus Cerialem Anicium consulem designa- 
tura pro sententia dixisse, ut templum divo Neroni 
quam maturrime publica peeunia poneretur. Quod 
quidem ille decernebat tamquam mortale fastigium 
egresso et venerationem hominum merito, sed ipse 
prohibuit, ne interpretatione x quorundam ad omen 
ac votum 2 sui exitus verteretur : nam deum honor 
prineipi non ante habetur, quam agere inter homines 
desierit. 

1 <sed . . . interpretatione> Halm. 

2 omenac votum Heinisch, R. Seyffert: omnia dolum. Med., 
omen malum Heinsius. — Xo emendation is entirely satisfactory. 



334 



BOOK XV. lxxiv. 

" avenger," Julius Vindex, 1 it was read as a token 
and a presage of coming retribution. I find in the 
records of the senate that Anicius Cerialis, consul 
designate, gave it as his opinion that a temple should 
be built to Nero the Divine, as early as possible and 
out of public funds. His motion, it is true, merely 
implied that the prince had transcended mortal 
eminence and earned the worship of mankind ; 
but it was vetoed by that prince, because by 
other interpreters it might be wrested into an omen 
of, and aspiration for, his decease : for the honour 
of divinity is not paid to the emperor until he has 
ceased to live and move among men. 2 

1 C. Iulius Vindex. member of a princely family oi Aqui- 
taine and legatus of Gallia Lugdunensis in 68 a.d. His rising 
in that year — the ulterior object is uncertain — was suppressed 
by Verginius Ilufus, but set in motion the train of events which 
led up to the fall of Nero and the outbreak of the civil war. 

2 By Roman citizens. The deification and worship ol a 
living emperor by provincials was regular. 



335 



BOOK XVI 



LIBER XVI 

I. Inlusit dehinc Neroni fortuna per vanitatem 
ipsius et promissa Caeselli Bassi, qui origine Poenus, 
mente turbida, nocturnae quietis imaginem ad spem 
haud dubiae rei traxit, 1 vectusque Romam, principis 
aditum emercatus, expromit repertum in agro suo 
specum altitudine inmensa, quo magna vis auri 
contineretur, non in formam pecuniae, sed rudi et 
antiquo pondere. Lateres quippe praegravis iacere, 
adstantibus parte alia columnis ; quae per tantum 
aevi occulta 2 augendis praesentibus bonis. Ceterum. 
ut 3 coniectura demonstra&at, 4 Dido Phoenissam 
Tyro profugam condita Carthagine illas opes abdi- 
disse, ne novus populus nimia pecunia lasciviret, aut 
reges Numidarum, et alias infensi, cupidine auri ad 
bellum accenderentur. 

II. Igitur Nero, non auctoris, non ipsius negotii 
fide satis spectata nee missis, per quos nosceret an 
vera adferrentur, auget ultro rumorem mittitque, 
qui velut paratam praedam adveherent. Dantur 

1 dubiae rei traxit Doederlein : dubie retraxit. 

2 occulta] occultata Nipperdey. 

3 [ut] Madviq. 

4 denion.strabat Halm : demonstrate 

33* 



BOOK XVI 

I. Nero now became the sport of fortune as a 
result of his own credulity and the promises of 
Caesellius Bassus. Punic by origin and mentally 
deranged, Bassus treated the vision he had seen in 
a dream by night as a ground of confident expectation, 
took ship to Rome, and, buying an interview with 
the emperor, explained that he had found on his 
estate an immensely deep cavern, which contained 
a great quantity of gold, not transformed into coin 
but in unwrought and ancient bullion. For there 
were ponderous ingots on the floor ; while, in another 
part, the metal was piled in columns — a treasure 
which had lain hidden through the centuries in order 
to increase the prosperity of the present era. The 
Phoenician Dido, so his argument ran, after her 
flight from Tyre and her foundation of Carthage, 
had concealed the hoard, for fear that too much 
wealth might tempt her young nation to excess, 
or that the Numidian princes, hostile on other grounds 
as well, might be fired to arms by the lust of gold. 

II. Accordingly, Nero, without sufficiently weigh- 
ing the credibility either of his informant or of the 
affair in itself, and without sending to ascertain the 
truth of the tale, deliberately magnified the report 
and despatched men to bring in the spoils lying, he 
thought, ready to his hand. The party were given 

339 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

triremes et delectum remigium x iuvandae festina- 
tioni. Nee aliud per illos dies populus credulitate, 
prudentes 2 diversa fama tulere. Ac forte quin- 
quennale ludicrum secundo lustro celebrabatur, ab 
oratoribusque 3 praecipua materia in laudem principis 
adsumpta est. Non enim solitas tantum fruges nee 
confusum metallis 4 aurum gigni, sed nova ubertate 
provenire terram et obvias opes deferre deos, quae- 
que alia summa facundia nee minore adulatione 
servilia fingebant, securi de facilitate credentis. 

III. Gliscebat interim luxuria spe inani, consume- 
banturque veteres opes quasi oblatis, quas multos 
per annos prodigeret. Quin et inde iam largi- 
ebatur; et divitiarum exspectatio inter eausas pau- 
pertatis publicae erat. Nam Bassus, effosso agro 
suo latisque circum arvis, dum hunc ilium locum pro- 
missi specus adseverat, sequunturque non modo 
milites, sed populus agrestium efficiendo operi 
adsumptus, tandem posita vaecordia. non falsa antea 
somnia sua seque tunc primum elusum admirans. 
pudorem et metum morte voluntaria effugit. Qui- 
dam vinctum ac mox dimissum tradidere ademptis 
bonis in locum regiae gazae. 

1 remigium Boxlwrn : navigium. 
- prudentes Boxhorn : prodentis. 

3 ab oratoribusque Baiter : avaratoribus oratoribusque. 

4 metallis <aliis> Nipperdey. 



1 The Neronia (XIV. 20 n.). 

2 For the insane extravagance of his last phase, see Hist. 
I. 20: Suet. Xer. 30; Plut. Galb. 16. 

340 



BOOK XVI. 11.-111. 

triremes, and to better their speed, picked oars- 
men ; and, throughout those days, this one theme 
was canvassed, by the populace with credulity, by 
the prudent with very different comments. It 
happened, too, that this was the second period for 
the celebration of the Quinquennial Games, 1 and the 
incident was taken by the orators as the principal 
text for their panegyrics of the sovereign : — " For 
not the customary crops alone, or gold alloyed with 
other metals, were now produced : the earth gave 
her increase with novel fecundity, and high heaven 
sent wealth unsought." And there were other 
servilities, which they developed with consummate 
eloquence and not inferior sycophancy, assured of 
the easy credence of their dupe ! 

III. Meanwhile, on the strength of this idle hope, 
his extravagance grew, and treasures long accumu- 
lated were dispersed on the assumption that others 
had been vouchsafed which would serve his pro- 
digality for many years. In fact, he was already 
drawing on this fund for his largesses ; 2 and the 
expectation of wealth was among the causes of 
national poverty. For Bassus — who had dug up 
his own land along with a wide stretch of the adjacent 
plains, always insisting that this or that was the site 
of the promised cave, and followed not simply by 
the soldiers but by a whole people of rustics enlisted 
to carry out the work — at last threw off his delusion, 
and, with an astonished protest that never before 
had his dreams proved fallible and that this was his 
first deception, avoided disgrace and danger by a 
voluntary death. By some the statement is made 
that he was imprisoned, only to be released shortly 
afterwards, his property being confiscated to re- 
place the queen's treasure. 

34i 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

IV. Interea senatus, propinquo iam lustrali certa- 
mine, ut dedecus averteret, offert imperatori vic- 
toriam cantus adicitque facundiae coronam, qua 
ludicra deformitas velaretur. Sed Nero nihil ambitu 
nee potestate senatus opus esse dictitans, se aequum 
adversum aemulos et religione iudicum meritam 
laudem adsecuturuni, primo carmen in scaena 
recitat ; mox flagitante vulgo ut omnia studia sua 
publicaret (haec enim verba dixere) ingreditur 
theatrum, cunetis citharae legibus obtemperans, ne 
fessus resideret, ne sudorem nisi ea, quam indutui 
gerebat, veste detergeret, ut nulla oris aut narium 
excrementa viserentur. Postremo flexus genu et 
coetum ilium manu veneratus sententias iudicum 
opperiebatur flcto pavore. Et plebs quidem urbis, 
bistrionum quoque gestus iuvare solita, personabat 
certis modis plausuque composito. Crederes laetari, 
ac fortasse laetabantur per incuriam publici flagitii. 

V. Sed qui remotis e municipiis severaque 1 adhuc 
et antiqui moris retinente Italia, 1 quique per longin- 
quas provincias lascivia inexperti officio legationum 
aut privata utilitate advenerant, neque aspectum 
ilium tolerare neque labori inhonesto sufficere, cum 
manibus nesciis fatiscerent, turbarent gnaros ac 
saepe a militibus verberarentur , qui per cuneos stabant, 



1 severaque . . . retinente Italia Ayricolu : severamque 
. . retinentes Italians. 



34^ 



BOOK XVI. iv.-v. 

IV. In the meantime, with the Quinquennial 
Contest hard at hand, the senate attempted to avert 
a scandal by offering the emperor the victory in song, 
adding a " crown of eloquence," to cover the stigma 
inseparable from the stage. Nero protested, how- 
ever, that he needed neither private interest nor the 
authority of the senate — he was meeting his com- 
petitors on equal terms, and would acquire an honestly 
earned distinction by the conscientious award of the 
judges. He began by reciting a poem on the stage : 
then, as the crowd clamoured for him to " display all 
his accomplishments" (the exact phrase used), he 
entered the theatre, observing the full rules of 
the harp — not to sit down when weary, not to wipe 
away the sweat except with the robe he was wearing, 
to permit no discharge from the mouth or nostrils 
to be visible. Finally, on bended knee, a hand 
kissed in salutation to that motley gathering, he 
awaited the verdict of the judges in feigned trepida- 
tion. And the city rabble, at least, accustomed to 
encourage the posturing even of the ordinary actor, 
thundered approval in measured cadences and re- 
gulated plaudits. You might have supposed them 
to be rejoicing ; and possibly rejoicing they were, 
without a care for the national dishonour ! 

V. But the spectators from remote country towns 
in the still austere Italy tenacious of its ancient 
ways — those novices in wantonness from far-off 
provinces, who had come on a public mission or upon 
private business — were neither able to tolerate the 
spectacle nor competent to their degrading task. 
They flagged with inexperienced hands ; they de- 
ranged the experts ; often they had to be castigated 
by the soldiers stationed among the blocks of seats 

343 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

ne quod temporis momentum inpari clamore aut 

silentio segni praeteriret. Constitit plerosque equi- 
tum, dum per angustias aditus et ingruentem multi- 
tudinem enituntur, obtritos, et alios, dum diem 
noctemque sedilibus continuant, morbo exitiabili 
correptos. Quippe gravior inerat metus, si specta- 
culo defuissent, multis palam et pluribus occultis, 
ut nomina ac vultus, alacritatem tristitiamque 
coeuntium scrutarentur. Unde tenuioribus statim 
inrogata supplicia, adversum inlustris dissimulatum 
ad praesens et mox redditum odium. Ferebantque 
Vespasianum, tamquam somno coniveret, a Phoebo 
liberto increpitum aegreque meliorum precibus 
obtectum, mox inminentem perniciem maiore fato 
effugisse. 

VI. Post finem ludicri Poppaea mortem obiit, 
fortuita mariti iracundia, a quo gravida ictu ealcis 
adflicta est. Neque enim venerium crediderim, 
quamvis quidam scriptores tradant, odio magis 
quarn ex fide : quippe liberorum cupiens et amori 
uxoris obnoxius erat. Corpus non igni abolitum, ut 
Romanus mos, sed regum externorum consuetudine 
differtum odoribus conditur tumuloque Iuliorum 
infertur. Ductae tamen publicae exsequiae, lauda- 
vitque ipse apud rostra formam eius et quod divinae 
infantis parens fuisset aliaque fortunae munera pro 
virtutibus. 



1 By Suetonius and Dio the scene is laid in Greece during 
the imperial tour (Suet. Vesp. 4; D. Cass. LXVI. 11 — with 
which compare Suet. Vesp. 14). 

- Merely an extravagance of remorse. Poppaea's leaning 
to Judaism — she is called deoae^r/s, a technical term for 
"proselyte," in Jos. A.J. XX. 8, 11 — can have had nothing to 
do with the case. 

3 I. 8 n. 

344 



BOOK XVI. v.-vi. 

to assure thai not a moment of time should be wasted 
in unmodulated clamour or sluggish silence. It was 
known that numbers of knights were crushed to 
death while fighting their way up through the narrow 
gangway and the inrush of the descending crowd, 
and that others, through spending day and night on 
the benches, were attacked by incurable disease. 
For it was a graver ground of fear to be missing from 
the spectacle, since there was a host of spies openly 
present, and more in hiding, to note the names and 
faces, the gaiety and gloom, of the assembly. Hence, 
the lot of the humble was punishment, at once in- 
flicted : in the case of the great, the debt of hatred, 
dissembled for a moment, was speedily repaid ; and 
the story was told that Vespasian, reprimanded by 
the freedman Phoebus for closing his eyelids, and 
screened with difficulty by the prayers of the better 
party, was only saved later from the impending 
destruction by his predestined greatness. 1 

VI. After the close of the festival, Poppaea met 
her end through a chance outburst of anger on the 
part of her husband, who felled her with a kick during 
pregnancy. That poison played its part I am un- 
able to believe, though the assertion is made by 
some writers less from conviction than from hatred ; 
for Nero was desirous of children, and love for his 
wife was a ruling passion. The body was not 
cremated in the Roman style, but, in conformity 
with the practice of foreign courts, was embalmed 
by stuffing with spices, 2 then laid to rest in the 
mausoleum 3 of the Julian race. Still, a public funeral 
was held ; and the emperor at the Rostra eulogized 
her beauty, the fact that she had been the mother 
of an infant daughter now divine, and other favours 
of fortune which did duty for virtues. 

345 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

\ II. Mortem Poppaeae ut palani tristem, ita 
recordantibus laetam ob inpudieitiam eius saevi- 
tiamque, nova insuper invidia Nero cornplevit pro- 
hibendo C. Cassium officio exsequiarum, quod primum 
indicium mali. Neque in longum dilatum est, sed 
Silanus additur, nullo erimine, nisi quod Cassius 
opibus vetustis et gravitate morum, Silanus clari- 
tudine generis et modesta iuventa praecellebant. 
Igitur missa ad senatum oratione removendos a re 
publica utrosque disseruit, obiectavitque Cassio, 
quod inter imagines maiorum etiam C. Cassi effigiem 
coluisset, ita inscriptam " Duci partium " : quippe 
semina belli civilis et defectionem a domo Caesarum 
quaesitam. Ac ne memoria tantum infensi nominis 
ad discordias uteretur, adsumpsisse L. Silanum, 
iuvenem genere nobilem, animo praeruptum, quern 
novis rebus ostentaret. 

VIII. Ipsum dehinc Silanum increpuit isdem qui- 
bus patruum eius Torquatum, tamquam disponeret 
iam imperii curas praeficeretque rationibus et libellis 
et epistulis libertos, inania simul et falsa : nam 
Silanus intentior metu et exitio patrui ad prae- 
cavendum exterritus erat. Inducti posthac vocabulo 
indicum, qui in Lepidam, Cassii uxorem, Silani 
arnitam, incestum cum fratris filio et diros sacrorum 

1 XV. 52 n. 

2 The tyrannicide, of whom the jurist was a lineal descend- 
ant (XII. 12 n.). — The gravamen of the charge was doubtless 
the inscription. That there was no absolute prohibition of 
such effigies is shown by the words of Cremutius Cordus at IV. 
35, but the hero-worship of Cassius and the Bruti had its 
dangers: see, for instance, III. 76; IV. 34; XVI. 22. 

346 



BOOK XVI. vii.-viii. 

VII. To the death of Poppaea, outwardly regretted. 
but welcome to all who remembered her profligacy 
and cruelty, Nero added a fresh measure of odium 
by prohibiting Gaius Cassius from attendance at 
the funeral. It was the first hint of mischief. Nor 
was the mischief long delayed. Silanus x was associ- 
ated with him ; their only crime being that Cassius 
was eminent for a great hereditary fortune and an 
austere character, Silanus for a noble lineage and 
a temperate youth. Accordingly, the emperor sent 
a speech to the senate, arguing that both should be 
removed from public life, and objecting to the former 
that, among his other ancestral effigies, he had 
honoured a bust of Gaius Cassius, 2 inscribed : — " To 
the leader of the cause." The seeds of civil war, and 
revolt from the house of the Caesars, — such were the 
objects he had pursued. And, not to rely merely 
on the memory of a hated name as an incentive to 
faction, he had taken to himself a partner in Lucius 
Silanus, a youth of noble family and headstrong 
temper, who was to be his figure-head for a revolution. 

VIII. He then attacked Silanus himself in the same 
strain as his uncle Torquatus, 3 alleging that he was 
already apportioning the responsibilities of empire, 
and appointing freedmen to the charge of" accounts, 
documents, and correspondence " : an indictment at 
once frivolous and false ; for the prevalent alarms 
had made Silanus vigilant, and his uncle's doom had 
terrified him into especial caution. Next, so-called 
informers were introduced to forge against Lepida 4 — 
wife of Cassius, aunt of Silanus — a tale of incest, 
committed with her brother's son, and of magical 

3 See XII. 58 a and XV. 35. 

4 Junia Lepida, sister of Junia Calvina (XII. 4; 8). 

641 

VOL. IV. M 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

ritus confingerent. Trahebantur ut conscii Vulca- 
cius x Tullinus 2 ac Marcellus Cornelius senatores et 
Calpurnius Fabatus eques Romanus ; qui appellate- 
principe instantem damnationem frustrati, mox 
Neronem circa summa scelera distentum quasi 
minores evasere. 

IX. Tunc consulto senatus Cassio et Silano exilia 
decernuntur : de Lepida Caesar statueret. De- 
portatusque in insulam Sardinian} Cassius, et 
senectus eius expectabatur. Silanus, tamquam 
Naxum deveheretur, Ostiam amotus, post municipio 
Apuliae, cui nomen Barium est, clauditur. Illic 
indignissimum casum sapienter tolerans a centurione 
ad caedem raisso corripitur ; suadentique venas 
abrumpere, animum quidem morti destinatum ait, 
sed non rernittere 3 percussori gloriam ministerii. 
At centurio quamvis inermem, praevalidum tamen 
et irae quam timori propiorem cernens premi a 
militibus iubet. Nee omisit Silanus obniti et in- 
tendere ictus, quantum manibus nudis valebat, 
donee a centurione vulneribus adversis tamquam in 
pugna caderet. 

X. Haud minus prompte L. Vetus socrusque eius 
Sextia et Pollitta 4 filia necem subiere, invisi principi, 
tamquam vivendo exprobrarent interfectum esse 5 

1 VulcaciusJ volcatius Med. 

2 Tullinus] Tertullinus Hist. IV 9. 

3 rcmittere Med. 1 : pereniittere Med. 

4 Pollitta N ipperdey : poliitia. 
6 esse] a se Ernesti. 

1 Grandfather of the wife of the younger Pliny, nine of 
whose letters are addressed to him. 

2 In spite, however, of his advanced age and blindness he 
returned under Vespasian. 

348 



BOOK XVI. vm.-x. 

ceremonies. The senators Vulcacius Tullinus and 
Cornelius Marcellus were brought in as accomplices, 
with the Roman knight Calpurnius Fabatus. 1 Their 
imminent condemnation they cheated by appealing to 
the emperor, and later, as being of minor importance, 
made good their escape from Nero, now fully occupied 
by crimes of the first magnitude. 

IX. Then, by decree of the senate, sentences of 
exile were registered against Cassius and Silanus : 
on the case of Lepida the Caesar was to pronounce. 
Cassius was deported to the island of Sardinia, and 
old age left to do its work. 2 Silanus, ostensibly 
bound for Naxos, was removed to Ostia, and after- 
wards confined in an Apulian town by the name of 
Barium. 3 There, while supporting with philosophy 
his most unworthy fate, he was seized by a centurion 
sent for the slaughter. To the suggestion that he 
should cut an artery, he replied that he had, in fact, 
made up his mind to die, but could not excuse the 
assassin his glorious duty. The centurion, however, 
noticing that, if unarmed, he was very strongly 
built and betrayed more anger than timidity, ordered 
his men to overpower him. Silanus did not fail to 
struggle, and to strike with what vigour his bare fists 
permitted, until he dropped under the sword of the 
centurion, as upon a field of battle, his wounds in front. 

X. With not less courage Lucius Vetus, 4 his mother- 
in-law Sextia, and his daughter Pollitta, 5 met their 
doom : they were loathed by the emperor, who took 
their fife to be a standing protest against the slaying 

3 Bari, on the Adriatic, about 70 miles N.W. of Brindisi; 
in the time of Horace, and probably of Nero, little more than 
a fishing-village, now a considerable citv. 

4 L. Antistius Vetus (XIII. 11, 53; XIV. 58). 
6 The Antistia of XIV. 22. 

349 



THE ANNALb OF TACITUS 

Rubellium Plautum, generum L. Veteris. Sed 
initium detegendae saevitiae praebuit interversis 
patroni rebus ad accusandum transgrediens Fortu- 
natus libertus, adscito Claudio Demiano quem ob 
flagitia vinctum a Vetere Asiae pro consule exsolvit 
Nero in praemium accusationis. Quod ubi cognitum 
reo, seque et libertum pari sorte componi, Formianos 
in agros digreditur. Illic eum milites occulta 
custodia circumdant. Aderat filia, super ingruens 
periculum longo dolore atrox, ex quo percussores 
Plauti mariti sui viderat ; cruentamque cervicem 
eius amplexa servabat sanguinem et vestes respersas, 
vidua inpexa x luctu continuo nee ullis alimentis nisi 
quae mortem arcerent. Turn hortante patre Nea- 
polim pergit. Et quia aditu Neronis prohibebatur ; 
egressus obsidens, audiret insontem neve consulatus 
sui quondam collegam dederet liberto, modo muliebri 
eiulatu, aliquando sexum egressa voce infensa 
clamitabat, donee princeps inmobilem se precibus et 
invidiae iuxta ostendit. 

XI. Ergo nuntiat patri abicere spem et uti necessi- 
tate : simul adfertur parari cognitionem senatus et 
trucem sententiam. Nee defuere qui monerent 
magna ex parte heredem Caesarem nuncupare atque 
ita nepotibus de reliquo consulere. Quod aspernatus, 

1 inpexa Petavius : inplexa. 

1 XIII. 19 n. 2 XIV. 59. 

3 The precaution was usual : a couple of instances are the 
will of Prasutagus (XIV. 31) and that of Agricola (Agr. 43). 

35° 



BOOK XVI. x.-xi. 

of Rubellius Plautus, 1 the son-in-law of Vetus. But 
the opportunity for laying bare his ferocity was sup- 
plied by the freedman Fortunatus ; who, after em- 
bezzling his patron's property, now deserted him to 
turn accuser, and called to his aid Claudius Demianus, 
imprisoned for heinous offences by Vetus in his 
proconsulate of Asia, but now freed by Nero as the 
recompense of delation. Appi-ized of this, and 
gathering that he and his freedman were to meet 
in the struggle as equals, the accused left for 
his estate at Formiae. There be was placed under a 
tacit surveillance by the military. He had with him 
his daughter, who apart from the impending danger, 
w r as embittered by a grief which had lasted since the 
day when she watched the assassins of her husband 
Plautus — she had clasped the bleeding neck, 2 and 
still treasured her blood-flecked robe, widowed, 
unkempt, unconsoled, and fasting except for a little 
sustenance to keep death at bay. Now, at the 
prompting of her father, she went to Naples ; and, 
debarred from access to Nero, besieged his doors, 
crying to him to give ear to the guiltless and not 
surrender to a freedman the one-time partner of 
his consulate ; sometimes with female lamentations, 
and again in threatening accents which w r ent beyond 
her sex, until the sovereign showed himself inflexible 
alike to prayer and to reproach. 

XI. Accordingly, she carried word to her father 
to abandon hope and accept the inevitable. At the 
same time, news came that arrangements were being 
made for a trial in the senate and a merciless verdict. 
Nor were there wanting those who advised him to 
name the Caesar as a principal heir, 3 and thus safe- 
guard the residue for his grandchildren. Rejecting 

35i 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

up vitam proxime libertatem actam novissimo servitio 
foedaret, largitur in servos quantum aderat pecuniae ; 
et si qua asportari possent, sibi quemque deducere, 
tris modo lectulos ad suprema retineri iubet. Tunc 
eodeni in cubiculo, eodem ferro abscindunt venas, 
properique et singulis vestibus ad verecundiam velati 
balineis inferuntur, pater filiam, avia neptera, ilia 
utrosque intuens, et certatim precantes labenti 
animae celerem exitum, ut relinquerent suos super- 
stites et morituros. Servavitque ordinem fortuna, 
ac seniores prius, turn cui prima aetas extinguuntur. 
Accusati post sepulturam decretumque ut more 
maiorum punirentur. Et Nero intercessit. mortem 
sine arbitro permittens : ea caedibus peractis 
lmlibria adiciebantur. 

XII. Publius 1 Gallus eques Romanus, quod 
Faenio Rufo intimus et Veteri non alienus fuerat, 
aqua atque igni prohibitus est. Liberto et accusa- 
tori praemium operae locus in theatro inter viatores 
tribunicios datur. Et menses, 2 qui Aprilem eun- 
demque Neroneum sequebantur, 2 Maius Claudii, 
Iunius 3 Germanici vocabulis mutantur, testificante 
Cornelio Orfito, qui id censuerat, ideo Iunium 

1 Publius] Rubrius Xipperdey (c/. Hist. 11. 51 ; 99). 

2 menses . . . sequebantur Nipperdey : mensis . . . 
sequebatur. 

3 Iunius] Iulius Lipsius (Madvig, Halm). 

1 XV. 74. 

2 The names were his own — he was " Claudius Nero Caesar 
Germanicus " — not those of his adoptive father and grand- 
father. So Commodus, by drawing upon his farrago of titles, 
was able to construct a year comprising the months : — 
Aninzonius, Invictus, Pius, Felix, Lucius, Aelius, Aurelius, 
Commodus, Augustus, Herculeus, Romanus, Exuperatorius 
(D. Cass. LXXII. 15; Lampr. Comm. 11 sq.). 

352 



BOOK XVI. xi.-xii. 

the proposal, however, so as not to sully a life, passed 
in a near approach to freedom, by an act of servilitv 
at the close, he distributed among his slaves what 
money was available : all portable articles he ordered 
them to remove for their own uses, reserving onlv 
three couches for the final scene. Then, in the same 
chamber, with the same piece of steel, they severed 
their veins ; and hurriedly, wrapped in the single 
garment which decency prescribed, they were carried 
to the baths, the father gazing on his daughter, the 
grandmother on her grandchild, and she on both ; 
all praying with rival earnestness for a quick end to 
the failing breath, so that they might leave their kith 
and kin still surviving, and assured of death. Fate 
observed the proper order ; and the two eldest 
passed away the first, then Pollitta in her early 
youth. They were indicted after burial ; the verdict 
was that they should be punished in the fashion of 
our ancestors ; and Nero, interposing, allowed them 
to die unsupervised. Such were the comedies that 
followed, when the deed of blood was done. 

XII. Publius Gallus, a Roman knight, for being 
intimate with Faenius Rufus and not unacquainted 
with Vetus, was interdicted from fire and water : 
the freedman, and accuser, was rewarded for his 
service by a seat in the theatre among the tribunician 
runners. The months following April — otherwise 
known as " Neroneus " * — were renamed, May taking 
the style of "Claudius," June that of " Germanicus." 2 
According to the testimony of Cornelius Orfitus, 
the author of the proposal, the alteration 3 in the case 

3 The sense given to iransmissv/m in the version is un- 
paralleled and totally incredible: but Lipsius' and Madvig's 
lulium mensem seems hardly possible, unless, perhaps, nomen 
Ianhnn is cancelled below. 

353 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

mensem transniissum, quia duo iam Torquati ob 
scelera interfecti infaustum nomen Iunium fecissent. 

XIII. Tot facinoribus foedum annum etiam di 
tempestatibus et morbis insignivere. Vastata Cam- 
pania turbine ventorum, qui villas arbusta fruges 
passim disiecit pertulitque violentiam ad vicina urbi ; 
in qua omne mortalium genus vis pestilentiae de- 
populabatur, nulla caeli intemperie, quae occurreret 
oeulis. Sed domus corporibus exanimis. itinera 
funeribus eomplebantur ; non sexus, non aetas 
periculo vacua : servitia perinde et ingenua plebes 
raptim extingui, inter coniugum et liberorum la- 
menta, qui dum adsident, dum deflent, saepe eodem 
rogo cremabantur. Equitum senatorumque inter i- 
tus, quamvis promisci, minus flebiles erant, tamquam 
communi mortalitate saevitiam principis prae- 
venirent. 

Eodem anno dilectus per Galliam Narbonensem 
Africamque et Asiam habiti sunt supplendis Illvricis 
legionibus, ex quibus aetate aut valetudine fessi 
saeramento solvebantur. Cladem Lugdunensem 
quadragiens l sestertio solatus est princeps. ut 
amissa urbi reponerent ; quam pecuniam Lugdunen- 
ses ante obtulerant urbis casibus. 

1 Lugdunensem * * quadragiens Nipjwrdei/. 

1 The gentile name of the two Torquati (XV. 35 and 
XVI. 8). 

2 The disaster, it stands to reason, must have happened after 
the burning of Rome. If, then, it is to be identified with the 

354 



BOOK XVI. xii.-xm. 

of June was due to the fact that already the execution 
of two Torquati for their crimes had made " Junius " 1 
a sinister name. 

XIII. Upon this year, disgraced by so many deeds 
of shame, Heaven also set its mark by tempest 
and by disease. Campania was wasted by a whirl- 
wind, which far and wide wrecked the farms, the 
fruit trees, and the crops, and carried its fury to the 
neighbourhood of the capital, where all classes of 
men were being decimated by a deadly epidemic. 
No outward sign of a distempered air was visible. 
Yet the houses were filled with lifeless bodies, the 
streets with funerals. Neither sex nor age gave 
immunity from danger; slaves and the free-born 
populace alike were summarily cut down, amid the 
laments of their wives and children, who, themselves 
infected while tending or mourning the victims, 
were often burnt upon the same pyre. Knights and 
senators, though they perished on all hands, were less 
deplored — as if, by undergoing the common lot, they 
were cheating the ferocity of the emperor. 

In the same year, levies were held in Narbonese 
Gaul, Africa, and Asia, to recruit the legions of Illyri- 
cum, in which all men incapacitated by age or sickness 
were being discharged the service. The emperor 
alleviated the disaster at Lugdunum 2 by a grant 
of four million sesterces to repair the town's losses : 
the same amount which Lugdunum had previously 
offered in aid of the misfortunes of the capital. 

fire known, about this period, to have laid Lyons in ashes, 
Seneca must be wrong in his date (58 a.d.). Alternatively, he 
may have been right in his presentiment : — Nunqtiam tarn 
inftstum pxarsit incendium ut nihil alteri superesset incendio 
(Ep. 91). 

355 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

XIV r . C. Suetonio Luccio l Telesino consulibus 
Antistius Sosianus, factitatis in Neronem carminibus 
probrosis exilio, ut dixi, multatus, postquam id 
honoris indicibus tamque promptum ad caedes 
principem accepit, inquies animo et occasionum 
haud segnis Pammenem, eiusdem loci exulem et 
Chaldaeorum arte famosum eoque multorum amicitiis 
innexum, 2 similitudine fortunae sibi conciliat. Venti- 
tare ad eum nuntios et consultationes non frustra 
ratus, simul annuam pecuniam a P. Anteio ministrari 
cognoscit. Neque nescium habebat Anteium cari- 
tate Agrippinae invisum Neroni opesque eius prae- 
cipuas ad eliciendam cupidinem eamque causam 
multis exitio esse. Igitur interceptis Antei litteris, 
furatus etiani libellos, quibus dies genitalis eius et 
eventura secretis Pammenis occultabantur, simul 
repertis quae de ortu vitaque Ostorii Scapulae com- 
posita erant, scribit ad principem magna se et quae 
incolumitati eius conducerent adlaturum, si brevem 
exilii veniam inpetravisset : quippe Anteium et 
Ostorium inminere rebus et sua Caesarisque fata 
scrutari. Exim missae liburnicae advehiturque pro- 
pere Sosianus. Ac vulgato eius indicio inter damna- 
tos magis quam inter reos Anteius Ostoriusque 
habebantur, adeo ut testamentum Antei nemo 
obsignaret, nisi Tigellinus auctor extitisset, monito 

1 Luccio Rupertus : L. 2 innexum Lipsius : innixum. 

1 Suetonius Paulinus (XIV. 29 sqq.). 

2 He leaned to philosophy, and makes a few creditable 
appearances in Philost ratus' vie romancee of Apolionius 
( V.A. IV. 40, 43 ; VII. 1 1 ; VIII. 7, 12). In Martial he is found 
declining to make unsecured loans to his " old companion " ; 
who, like Philostratus, refers to his exile under Domitian 
(XII. 25). 

3 XIV. 48. « XIII. 22. s See XIV. 48. 

356 



BOOK XVI. xiv. 

XIV. In the consulate of Gaius Suetonius 1 and a.v.o. 
Luccius Telesinus, 2 Antistius Sosianus, who had, as AD ' 
I have said, 3 been sentenced to exile for composing 
scurrilous verses upon Nero, heard of the honour paid 
to informers and of the emperor's alacrity for blood- 
shed. Restless by temperament, with a quick eye 
for opportunities, he used the similarity of their 
fortunes in order to ingratiate himself with Pammenes, 
who was an exile in the same place and, as a noted 
astrologer, had wide connections of friendship. He 
believed it was not for nothing that messengers were 
for ever coming to consult Pammenes, to whom, 
as he discovered at the same time, a yearly pension 
was allowed by Publius Anteius. 4 He was further 
aware that Pammenes' affection for Agrippina had 
earned him the hatred of Nero ; that his riches were 
admirably calculated to excite cupidity ; and that 
this was a circumstance which proved fatal to many. 
He therefore intercepted a letter from Anteius, 
stole in addition the papers, concealed in Pammenes' 
archives, which contained his horoscope and career, 
and, lighting at the same time on the astrologer's 
calculations with regard to the birth and life of 
Ostorius Scapula, 5 wrote to the emperor that, could 
he be granted a short respite from his banishment, 
he would bring him grave news conducive to his 
safety : for Anteius and Ostorius had designs upon 
the empire, and were peering into their destinies 
and that of the prince. Fast galleys were at once 
sent out, and Sosianus arrived in haste. The moment 
his information was divulged, Anteius and Ostorius 
were regarded, not as incriminated, but as con- 
demned : so much so, that not a man would become 
signatory to the will of Anteius until Tigellinus came 

357 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

prius Anteio ne suprernas tabulas moraretur. Atque 
ille hausto veneno, tarditatem eius perosus intercisis 
venis mortem adproperavit. 

XV. Ostorius longinquis in agris apud flnem Ligu- 
rum id temporis erat. Eo missus centurio, qui caedem 
eius maturaret. Causa festinandi ex eo oriebatur, 
quod Ostorius multa militari fama et civicam coronam 
apud Britanniam meritus, ingenti corpore x armorum- 
que scientia metum Neroni fecerat, ne invaderet 
pavidum semper et reperta nuper coniuratione magi 4 ; 
exterritum. Igitur centurio, ubi effugia villae 
clausit, iussa imperatoris Ostorio aperit. Is fortitu- 
dinem saepe adversum hostes spectatam in se vertit : 
et quia venae quamquam interruptae parum sanguinis 
efFundebant, hactenus manu servi usus, ut inmotum 
pugionem extolleret, adpressit dextram eius iugulo- 
que occurrit. 

XVI. Etiam si bella externa et obitas pro re 
publiea mortis tanta casuum similitudine memora- 
rem, meque ipsum satias cepisset aliorumque tae- 
dium exspectarem, quamvis honestos civium exitus, 
tristis tamen et continuos aspernantium : at nunc 
patientia servilis tantumque sanguinis domi perditum 
fatigant animum et maestitia restringunt. Neque 
aliam defensionem ab iis, quibus ista noscentur. 
exegerim, quam ne oderim 2 tarn segniter pereuntis. 



1 corpore dett. : corporis corporis Med., corporis roboro 
Beroaldtis, vi corporis Wurm. 
- oderimj oderint Agricola. 

35« 



BOOK XVI. xiv. -xvi. 

forward with his sanction, first warning the testator 
not to defer his final dispositions. Anteius swallowed 
poison; but, disgusted by its slowness, found a 
speedier death by cutting his arteries. 

XV. Ostorius, at the moment, was on a remote 
estate on the Ligurian frontier ; and thither a 
centurion was despatched to do the murder quickly. 
A motive for speed was given by the fact that 
Ostorius, the owner of a considerable military reputa- 
tion and a chic crown earned in Britain, had, by his 
great bodily powers and skill in arms, inspired Nero 
with a fear that he might possibly attack his sovereign, 
always cowardly and more than ever terrified by the 
lately discovered plot. The centurion, then, after 
guarding the exits from the villa, disclosed the 
imperial orders to Ostorius. The victim turned 
against himself the courage which he had often 
evinced in face of the enemy. Finding that, al- 
though he had opened his veins, the blood ran slowly, 
he had recourse to a slave for one service alone, 
to hold up a dagger steadily ; then he drew his 
hand nearer, and met the steel with his throat. 

XVI. Even had I been narrating campaigns 
abroad and lives laid down for the commonwealth, 
and narrating them with the same uniformity of 
incident, I should myself have lost appetite for the 
task, and I should expect the tedium of others, 
repelled by the tale of Roman deaths, honourable 
perhaps, but tragic and continuous. As it is, this 
slave-like patience and the profusion of blood wasted 
at home weary the mind and oppress it with melan- 
choly. The one concession I would ask from those 
who shall study these records is that they would 
permit me not to hate the men who died with so little 

359 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Ira ilia numinum in res Romanas fuit, quam non, ut 
in cladibus exercituum aut captivitate urbium, semel 
edito transire licet. Detur hoc inlustrium virorum 
posteritati, ut quo modo exsequiis a promisoa 
sepultura separantur, ita in traditione supremorum 
accipiant habeantque propriam memoriam. 

XVII. Paucos quippe intra dies eodem agmine 
Annaeus Mela, Cerialis Anicius, Rufrius x Crispinus, 
T. 2 Petronius cecidere, Mela et Crispinus equites 
Romani dignitate senatoria. Nam hie quondam 
praefectus praetorii et consularibus insignibus dona- 
tus ac nuper crimine coniurationis in Sardiniam 
exactus, accepto iussae mortis nuntio semet interfecit. 
Mela, quibus Gallio et Seneca parentibus natus, 
petitione honorum abstinuerat per ambitionem 
praeposteram, ut eques Romanus consularibus po- 
tentia aequaretur ; simul adquirendae pecuniae 
brevius iter credebat per procurationes administrandis 
principis negotiis. Idem Annaeum Lucanum genu- 
erat, grande adiumentum claritudinis. Quo inter- 
fecto dum rem familiarem eius acriter requirit, 

1 Rufrius Halm, : rufus. 

2 T. Haase : ac Med., C. Wesenberg, al. — The praenomen is 
established by Plin. H.N. XXXVII. 2, 20 (' T. Petronius 
consularis ') and Plui. Mor. 60 E (Tito? Uerpwvios). 

1 The sentence has been variously interpreted, and to very 
little effect. The simplest and not impossibly best course is to 
acquiesce in the old conjecture oderint, with Walther's para- 
phrase : — A lectore non exigimus ut illorum plus quam servilem 
patientiam defendat aut excuset, sed hoc tantum, ne istos odio 
prosequatur ; nam res fuit plane fatalis. 

2 For this use of posteritas, compare, for instance, Plin. Ep. 
II. 1, legit scripta de se carmina, legit historias, et posteritati suae 
inter fuit. If the word bears its common meaning, then " the 
posterity of the famous" are the segniter pereuntes, and the 

360 



BOOK XVI. xvi.-xvn. 

spirit ! 1 It was the anger of Heaven against the 
Roman realm — an anger which you cannot, as in the 
case of beaten armies or captured towns, mention 
once and for all and proceed upon your way. Let us 
make this concession to the memory 2 of the nobly 
born : that, as in the last rites they are distinguished 
from the vulgar dead, so, when history records their 
end, each shall receive and keep his special mention. 
XVII- For, in the course of a few days, there fell, 
in a single band, Annaeus Mela, Anicius Cerialis, 
Rufrius Crispinus, and Titus Petronius. Mela and 
Crispinus were Roman knights of senatorial rank. 3 
The latter, once commander of the praetorian 
guards and decorated with the consular insignia, 4 
but latterly banished to Sardinia on a charge of 
conspiracy, committed suicide on reception of the 
news that his death had been ordered. Mela, son 
of the same parents as Gallio and Seneca, had 
refrained from seeking office, as he nursed the 
paradoxical ambition of equalling the influence of a 
consular while remaining a simple knight : at the same 
time, he held that the shorter road to the acquiry 
of wealth lay in the pro-curatorships handling private 
business of the sovereign. He was also the father of 
Lucan — a considerable enhancement of his fame. 
After his son's death, he called in the debts owing to 
the estate with a vigour which raised up an accuser 

sentiment becomes, in essence, that of Sen. De bene/. IV. 30, 
hie egregiis maioribus ortus est : qualiscumque est, sub umbra 
auorum latent. 

3 They were Intictavii — knights possessed of the senatorial 
property qualification, and wearing the broad purple stripe by 
permission of the emperor. 

* His praetorian — not consular — decorations are mentioned 
at XI. 4 : for his exile, see XV. 71. 

36i 



THF ANNALS OF TACITUS 

accusatorem concivit Fabium Romanurn, ex intiniis 
Lucani amicis. Mixta inter patrem filiumque con- 
iurationis scientia fingitur, adsimulatis Lucani litteris : 
quas inspectas Nero ferri ad eum iussit, opibus eius 
inhians. At Mela, quae turn promptissima mortis 
via, exsolvit venas, scriptis codicillis, quibus grandem 
pecuniam in Tigellinum generumque eius Cossu- 
tianum Capitonem erogabat, quo cetera manerent. 
Additur codicillis, tamquam de iniquitate exitii 
querens ita scripsisset, 1 se quidem mori nullis sup- 
plicii causis, Rufrium autem Crispinum et Anicium 
Cerialem vita frui infensos principi. Quae composita 
credebantur de Crispino, quia interfectus erat, de 
Ceriale, ut interriceretur. Neque enim multo post 
vim sibi attulit, minore quam ceteri miseratione, 
quia proditam Gaio Caesari coniurationem ab eo 
meminerant. 

XVIIL De Petronio 2 pauca supra repetenda sunt. 
Nam illi dies per somnum, nox officiis et oblectamentis 
vitae transigebatur ; utque alios industria, ita hunc 
ignavia ad famam protulerat, habebaturque non 
ganeo et profligator, ut plerique sua haurientium, 
sed erudito luxu. Ac dicta factaque eius quanto 

1 scripsisset] scripsisse dett. 

2 Petronio Nipperdey : C. Petronio. 

1 XI. 6 n. 

2 XV. 74. 

3 It was apparently suspected that the addition to the 
codicil had been forged on behalf of Nero, to vindicate one 
execution and supply the pretext for another. 

4 Little is known of it beyond the date (40 a.d.). 

5 He is now universally allowed to be the author of the justly 
famous Satirae — a sort of picaresque novel interspersed with 
verse-pieces, two sadly lacerated books of which survive from 
a total of sixteen or over. The objection that some mention 

362 



BOOK XVI. xvi i. -xvni. 

in Fabius Romanus, one of Lucan's intimate friends. 
A fictitious charge, that knowledge of the plot had 
been shared between father and son, was backed by 
a forged letter from Lucan. Nero, after inspecting 
it, gave orders that it was to be carried to Mela. 
Mela took what was then the favoured way of death, 
and opened an ai'tery, first penning a codicil by which 
he bequeathed a large sum to Tigellinus and his 
son-in-law Cossutianus Capito, 1 in hopes of saving 
the rest of the will. A postscript to the codicil, 
written in appearance as a protest against the 
iniquity of his doom, stated that, while he himself 
was dying without a cause for his execution, Rufrius 
Crispinus and Anicius Cerialis 2 remained in the 
enjoyment of life, though bitterly hostile to the 
emperor. The statement was considered to be a 
fiction, invented in the case of Crispinus, because 
death had been inflicted ; in that of Cerialis, to 
make certain its infliction. 3 For not long afterwards 
he took his own life, exciting less pity than the 
others, as memories remained of his betrayal of the 
conspiracy 4 to Gaius Caesar. 

XVIII. Petronius 5 calls for a brief retrospect. He 
was a man whose day was passed in sleep, his nights 
in the social duties and amenities of life : others 
industry may raise to greatness — Petronius had 
idled into fame. Nor was he regarded, like the 
common crowd of spendthrifts, as a debauchee and 
wastrel, but as the finished artist of extravagance. 
His words and actions had a freedom and a stamp of 

of his literary powers might, in that case, have been expected 
here, is idle: for few works can in the eyes of Tacitus have 
borne less resemblance to " literature " than the scandalous 
Odyssey of Encolpios, Ascyltos, Giton, and their peers. 

3^3 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

solutiora et quandam sui neglegentiam praeferentia, 
tanto gratius in speciem simplicitatis accipiebantur. 
Proconsul tamen Bithyniae et mox consul vigentem 
se ac parem negotiis ostendit. Dein revolutus ad 
vitia, seu vitiorum imitatione, inter paucos familiar- 
ium Neroni adsumptus est, elegantiae arbiter, dum 
nihil amoenum et molle adfluentia putat, nisi quod 
ei Petronius adprobavisset. Unde invidia Tigellini 
quasi adversus aemulum et scientia voluptatum po- 
tiorem. Ergo crudelitatem principis, eui ceterae 
libidines cedebant, adgreditur, amicitiam Scaevini 
Petronio obiectans, corrupto ad indicium servo 
ademptaque defensione et maiore parte familiae in 
vincla rapta. 

XIX. Forte illis diebus Campaniam petiverat 
Caesar, et Cunias usque progressus Petronius illic 
attinebatur ; nee tulit ultra timoris aut spei moras. 
Neque tamen praeceps vitam expulit, sed incisas 
venas, ut libitum, obligatas aperire rursum et adloqui 
amicos, non per seria aut quibus gloriam constantiae 
peteret. Audiebatque referentes, nihil de inmor- 
talitate animae et sapientium placitis, sed levia 

1 The manuscripts of the Satirae, and the grammarians, give 
Arbiter as a cognomen. Whether his court title suggested or 
was suggested by the surname, it is evidently impossible to say. 

2 XV. 49 sqq. 

3 The other way of thinking perhaps deserves an example : — 
Prosequebatur eum philosophus suits (a Stoic or Cynic chaplain). 
Nee iam procul erat tumulus in quo Caesari (Caligula), deo 
nostra, ficbat quotidianum sacrum. " Quid,"' inquii, " Cane, nunc 

364 



BOOK XVI. xvm.-xix. 

self-abandonment which rendered them doubly 
acceptable by an air of native simplicity. Yet as 
proconsul of Bithynia, and later as consul, he showed 
himself a man of energy and competent to affairs. 
Then, lapsing into the habit, or copying the features, 
of vice, he was adopted into the narrow circle of 
Nero's intimates as his Arbiter of Elegance ; * the 
jaded emperor finding charm and delicacy in nothing 
save what Petronius had commended. His success 
awoke the jealousy of Tigellinus against an apparent 
rival, more expert in the science of pleasure than 
himself. He addressed himself, therefore, to the 
sovereign's cruelty, to which all other passions gave 
pride of place ; arraigning Petronius for friendship 
with Scaevinus, 2 while suborning one of his slaves 
to turn informer, withholding all opportunity of 
defence, and placing the greater part of his house- 
hold under arrest. 

XIX. In those days, as it chanced, the Caesar had 
migrated to Campania ; and Petronius, after pro- 
ceeding as far as Cumae, was being there detained 
in custody. He declined to tolerate further the 
delays of fear or hope; yet still did not hurry to 
take his life, but caused his already severed 
arteries to be bound up to meet his whim, then 
opened them once more, and began to converse with 
his friends, in no grave strain and with no view to 
the fame of a stout-hearted ending. He listened 
to them as they rehearsed, not discourses upon the 
immortality of the soul 3 or the doctrines of philo- 

cogitas ? A id quae tibi mens est ? — " Observare," inquit Canus, 
" propositi, illo velocissimo momento, an sensurus sit animus 
exire se." Promisitque, si quid explorasset , circumiturum amicos 
et indicaturum quis esset animarum status (Sen. De tranquiU, 
animi, 14). 

3^5 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

carmina et facilis versus. Servorum alios largitione, 
quosdam verberibus adfecit. Iniit epulas, 1 somno 
indulsit, ut quamquam coacta mors fortuitae similis 
esset. Ne codicillis quidem, quod plerique pereun- 
tium, Neronem aut Tigellinum aut quem alium 
potentium adulatus est : sed flagitia principis sub 
nominibus exoletorum feminarumque et novitatem 
cuiusque stupri perscripsit atque obsignata misit 
Neroni. Fregitque anulum, ne mox usui esset ad 
facienda pericula. 

XX. Ambigenti Neroni, quonam modo noctiurn 
suarum ingenia notescerent, offertur Silia, matri- 
monio senatoris baud ignota et ipsi ad omnem libi- 
dinem adscita ac Petronio perquam familiaris. 
Agitur in exilium, tanquam non siluisset quae 
viderat pertuleratque, proprio odio. At Minucium 
Thermum praetura functum Tigellini simultatibus 
dedit, quia libertus Thermi quaedam de Tigellino 
criminose detulerat, quae cruciatibus tormentorum 
ipse, patronus eius nece inmerita luere. 

XXI. Trucidatis tot insignibus viris, ad postremum 
Nero virtutem ipsam excindere concupivit interfecto 
Thrasea Paeto et Barea Sorano, olim utrisque 
infensus, et accedentibus eausis in Thraseam, quod 
senatu egressus est, cum de Agrippina referretur, ut 
memoravi, quodque Iuvenalium ludicroparum specta- 

1 epulas Menagius, Markland : et vias Med., et epulas 
Halm. 



1 The precaution was evidently suggested by the forgery 
after Lucan's death : see above, chap. 17. 

2 XII. 53. 

3 XIV. 12. 

366 



BOOK XVI. xix.-xxt. 

sophy, but light songs and frivolous verses. Some of 
his slaves tasted of his bounty, a few of the lash. He 
took his place at dinner, and drowsed a little, so that 
death, if compulsory, should at least resemble 
nature. Not even in his will did he follow the routine 
of suicide by flattering Nero or Tigellinus or another 
of the mighty, but — prefixing the names of the 
various catamites and women— -detailed the imperial 
debauches and the novel features of each act of lust, 
and sent the document under seal to Nero. His 
signet-ring he broke, lest it should render dangerous 
service later. 1 

XX. While Nero doubted how the character of 
his nights was gaining publicity, there suggested 
itself the name of Silia — the wife of a senator, and 
therefore a woman of some note, requisitioned by 
himself for every form of lubricity, and on terms of 
the closest intimacy with Petronius. She was now 
driven into exile for failing to observe silence upon 
what she had seen and undergone. Here the motive 
was a hatred of his own. But Minucius Thermus, an 
ex-praetor, he sacrificed to the animosities of 
Tigellinus. For a freedman of Thermus had brought 
certain damaging charges against the favourite, 
which he himself expiated by the pains of torture, 
his patron bv an unmerited death. 

XXI. After the slaughter of so many of the noble, 
Nero in the end conceived the ambition to extirpate 
virtue herself by killing Thrasea Paetus and Barea 
Soranus. 2 To both he was hostile from of old. and 
against Thrasea there were additional motives ; for 
he had walked out of the senate, as I have mentioned, 3 
during the discussion on Agrippina, and at the 
festival of the Juvenalia his services had not been 

307 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

bilem operam praebuerat ; eaque ofFensio altius 
penetrabat, quia idem Thrasea Patavi, unde ortus 
erat, ludis t cetastis x a Troiano Antenore institute 
habitu tragico cecinerat. Die quoque, quo praetor 
Antistius ob probra in Neronem composita ad mortem 
damnabatur, mitiora censuit obtinuitque ; et cum - 
deum honores Poppaeae decernuntur, 3 sponte absens, 
funeri non interfuerat. Quae oblitterari non sinebat 
Capito Cossutianus, praeter animum ad flagitia 
praecipitem iniquus Thraseae, quod auctoritate eius 
concidisset, iuvantis Cilicum legatos, dum Capitonem 
repetundarum interrogant. 

XXII. Quin et ilia obiectabat, principio anni 
vitare Thraseam sollemne ius iurandum ; nuncupa- 
tionibus votorum non adesse quamvis quinde- 
cimvirali saeerdotio praeditum ; numquam pro 
salute prineipis aut caelesti voce immolavisse ; ad- 
siduum olim et indefessum. qui vulgaribus quoque 
patrum consultis semet fautorem aut adversarium 
ostenderet, triennio non introisse curiam ; nuperri- 
meque, cum ad coercendos Silanum et Veterem 
certatim concurreretur, privatis potius clientium 
negotiis vacavisse. Secessionem iam id et partis 
et, si idem multi audeant, bellum esse. " Ut 
quondam C. Caesarem " inquit " et M. Catonem, ita 

1 cetastis] vetustis R. Seyjfert, cetariis Nipperdey. 
- rum] dum Eeinsius. 

2 decernuntur] decernerentur Agricola. 

1 Padua. 

2 Virg. Aen. I. 242 sqq. ; Liv. I. 1. 

' XIV. 48. * XIII. 33. * I. 72 n. 

368 



BOOK XVI. xxi.-xxn. 

conspicuous — a grievance which went the deepor 
that in Patavium, 1 his native place, the same Thrasea 
had sung in tragic costume at the . . . Games 
instituted by the Trojan Antenor. 2 Again, on the 
day when sentence of death was all but passed on the 
praetor Antistius for his lampoons on Nero, he pro- 
posed, and carried, a milder penalty ; 3 and, after 
deliberately absenting himself from the vote of 
divine honours to Poppaea, he had not assisted at her 
funeral. These memories were kept from fading 
by Cossutianus Capito. For, apart from his character 
with its sharp trend to crime, he was embittered 
against Thrasea, whose influence, exerted in support 
of the Cilician envoys prosecuting Capito 4 for extor- 
tion, had cost him the verdict. 

XXII. He preferred other charges as well : — 
" At the beginning of the year, Thrasea evaded the 
customary oath ; 5 though the holder of a quin- 
decimviral priesthood, he took no part in the national 
vows ; 6 he had never oifered a sacrifice for the welfare 
of the emperor or for his celestial voice. Once a 
constant and indefatigable member, who showed 
himself the advocate or the adversary of the most 
commonplace resolutions of the Fathers, 7 for three 
years he had not set foot within the curia ; and but 
yesterday, when his colleagues were gathering with 
emulous haste to crush Silanus and Vet us, 8 he had 
preferred to devote his leisure to the private cases 
of his clients. Matters were come already to a 
schism and to factions : if many made the same 
venture, it was war ! ' As once,' he said, ' this 
discord-loving state prated of Caesar and Cato, so 

6 IV. 17 n. ' See XIII. 49. 

8 Chaps. 7 and 10 sq. above. 

369' 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

nunc te, Nero, et Thraseam avida discordiarum 
civitas loquitur. Et habet sectatores vel potius 
satellites, qui nondum contumaciam sententiarum, 
sed habitum vultumque eius sectantur, rigidi et 
tristes, quo tibi lasciviam exprobrent. Huic uni 
incolumitas tua sine cura, 1 artes sine honore. Pro- 
spera principis respuit : 2 etiamne luctibus et dolori- 
bus non satiatur ? Eiusdem animi est Poppaeam 
divam non credere, cuius in acta divi Augusti et 
divi Iuli non iurare. Spernit religiones, abrogat 
leges. Diurna populi Romani per provincias, per 
exereitus curatius leguntur, ut noscatur, quid 
Thrasea non fecerit. Aut transeamus ad ilia insti- 
tuta, si potiora sunt, aut nova cupientibus auferatur 
dux et auctor. Ista secta Tuberones et Favonios, 
veteri quoque rei publicae ingrata nomina, genuit. 
Ut imperium evertant, libertatem praeferunt: si 
perverterint, libertatem ipsam adgredientur. Frustra 
Cassium amovisti, si gliscere et vigere Brutorum 
aemulos passurus es. Denique nihil ipse de Thrasea 
scripseris : disceptatorem senatum nobis relinque." 

1 <cura> Lipsius. 

2 respuit Fisher : respernit Med., prosperas . . . res 
spernit vulg. 

1 One of the passages of Tacitus which, used as ammunition 
against the Loi des Suspects, cost Camille Desmoulins his life : 
— •' Etait-il vertueux et austere dans les moeurs ? Bon ! 
nouveau Brutus qui pretendait par sa paleur et sa perruque 
de jacobin faire la censure d'une cour aimable et bien frisee. 
Gliscere aemulos Brutorum vultus rigidi et tristis qui tibi 
lasciviam exprobrent. Suspect !" {Le Vieux Cordelier n° IV., 
30 frimaire an II). 

370 



BOOK XVI. xxii. 

now, Nero, it prates of yourself and Thrasea. And 
he has his followers — his satellites, rather — who 
affect, not as yet the contumacity of his opinions, but 
his bearing and his looks, and whose stiffness and 
austerity are designed for an impeachment of your 
wantonness. 1 To him alone your safety is a thing 
uncared for, your talents a thing unhonoured. The 
imperial happiness he cannot brook : can he not even 
be satisfied with the imperial bereavements and 
sorrows ? Not to believe , Poppaea deity bespeaks 
the same temper that will not swear to the acts of 
the deified Augustus and the deified Julius. He 
contemns religion, he abrogates law. The journal 
of the Roman people, 2 is scanned throughout the 
provinces and armies with double care for news of 
what Thrasea has not done ! Either let us pass over to 
his creed, if it is the better, or let these seekers after 
a new world lose their chief and their instigator. It 
is the sect that produced the Tuberones and the 
Favonii 3 — names unloved even in the old republic. 
In order to subvert the empire, they make a parade 
of liberty : the empire overthrown, they will lay hands 
on liberty itself. You have removed Cassius to 
little purpose, if you intend to allow these rivals of 
the Bruti to multiply and flourish ! A word in 
conclusion : write nothing yourself about Thrasea — 
leave the senate to decide between us!'' Nero 

3 III. 3 n. 

3 Q. Aelius Tubero, pupil of Panaetius, jurist, and inter- 
locutor in Cicero's De Republica, was an opponent of the two 
Gracchi: M. Favonius, "ape of Cato," figures fairly promin- 
ently, though not too creditably, in the score of years preceding 
the battle of Philippi, where he was captured and executed by 
Octavian. 

371 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

Extollit ira prornptuni Cossutiani animum Nero 
adicitque Marcellum Eprium acri eloquentia. 

XXIII. At Baream Soranum iam sibi Ostorius 
Sabinus eques Romanis poposcerat reum ex pro- 
eonsulatu Asiae, in quo J offensiones principis auxit 
iustitia atque industria, et quia portui Ephesiorum 
aperiendo curam insumpserat vimque civitatis Per- 
gamenae, prohibentis Aoratum Caesaris libertum 
statuas et picturas evehere, inultam omisevat. Sed 
crimini dabatur amicitia Plauti et ambitio concili- 
andae provinciae ad spes novas. Tempus damna- 
tioni delectum, quo Tiridates accipiendo Armeniae 
regno adventabat, ut versis 2 ad externa rumoribus 
intestinum scelus obscuraretur, an ut magnitudinem 
imperatoriam caede insignium virorum quasi regio 
facinore ostentaret. 

XXIV. Igitur omni civitate ad exeipiendum 
principem spectandumque regem effusa, Thrasea 
oeeursu prohibitus non demisit animum, sed codicillos 
ad Neronem composuit, requirens obieeta et expurga- 
turum adseverans, si notitiam criminum et copiam 
diluendi habuisset. Eos codicillos Nero properanter 
accepit, spe exterritum Thraseam scripsisse, per 
quae claritudinem principis extolleret suamque 
famam dehonestaret. Quod ubi non evenit vultum- 

1 quo Nipperdey : qua. 2 <versis> Acidalius. 

1 XII. 4 n. 2 XV. 45. 

3 In pursuance of the agreement with Corbulo (XV. 29 
gqq.). 

4 He was returning from Campania with Tiridates, whom he 
had met at Naples. 

372 



BOOK XVI. xxn.-xxiv. 

fanned still more the eager fury of Cossutianus, and 
reinforced him with the mordant eloquence of 
Eprius Marcellus. 1 

XXIII. As to Barea Soranus, the Roman knight, 
Ostorius Sabinus, had already claimed him for his 
own, in a case arising from Soranus' proconsulate of 
Asia; during which he increased the emperor's 
malignity by his fairness and his energy, by the care 
he had spent upon clearing the harbour of Ephesus, 
and by his failure to punish the city of Pergamum for 
employing force to prevent the loot of its statues and 
paintings by the Caesarian freedman, Acratus. 2 
But the charges preferred were friendship with 
Plautus and popularity-hunting in his province with 
a view to winning it for the cause of revolution. 
The time chosen for the condemnation was the 
moment when Tiridates was on the point of arriving 
to be invested with the crown of Armenia ; 3 the 
object being that, with public curiosity diverted to 
foreign affairs, domestic crime might be thrown into 
shadow, or, possibly, that the imperial greatness 
might be advertised by the royal feat of slaughtering 
illustrious men. 

XXIV. The whole city, then, streamed out to 
welcome the emperor 4 and inspect the king, but 
Thrasea was ordered to avoid the reception. He 
showed no dejection, but drew up a note to Nero, 
asking for the allegations against him and stating that 
he would rebut them, if he was allowed cognizance 
of the charges and facilities for reply. Nero took 
the note eagerly, in hopes that Thrasea, in a moment 
of panic, had written something which might enhance 
the glory of the emperor and sully his own reputation. 
As this proved not to be the case, and he himself 

373 



? 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

que spiritus et libertatem insontis ultro cxtimuit, 
vocari patres iubet. 

XXV. Turn Thrasea inter proximos consultavit, 
temptaretne defensionem an sperneret. Diversa 
consilia adferebantur. Quibus intrari curiam place- 
bat, securos esse de constantia eius disserunt ; 1 
nihil dicturum, nisi quo gloriam augeret. Segnis 
et pavidos supremis suis secretum circumdare : 
aspiceret populus virum morti obvium, audiret 
senatus voces quasi ex aliquo numine supra humanas : 
posse ipso miraculo etiam Neronem permoveri. Sin 
crudelitati insisteret, distingui certe apud posteros 
memoriam honesti exitus ab ignavia per silentium 
pereuntium. 

XXVI. Contra qui opperiendum domui censebant, 
de ipso Thrasea eadem, sed ludibria et contumelias 
imminere : subtraheret auris conviciis et probris. 
Non solum Cossutianum aut Eprium ad scelus promp- 
tos : superesse qui forsitan manus ictusque per 
immanitatem ausuri sint ; 2 etiam bonos metu sequi. 
Detraheret potius senatui, quem perornavisset, 3 
infamiam tanti Hagitii, et relinqueret incertum, quid 
viso Thrasea reo decreturi patres fuerint. Ut Neronem 
flagitiorumpudor caperet,inritaspe agitari : multoque 

1 disserunt Haase : dixerunt. 

2 ausuri sint, Acidalius : augusti. 

3 perornavisset] semper ornavisset Lipsius, Halm. 

374 



BOOK XVI. xxiv.-xxvi. 

took alarm at the looks and spirit and frankness of 
an innocent man, he ordered the senate to be 
convened. 

XXV. Thrasea now consulted with his closest 
friends whether to attempt or to scorn defence. 
The advice offered was conflicting. Those who 
favoured his entering the senate-house argued that 
they were certain of his firmness : — " He would 
say nothing but what increased his glory. It was for 
the spiritless and the timid to draw a veil over their 
latter end : let the nation see a man who could face 
his death ; let the senate listen to words inspired, it 
might be thought, by some deity, and superior to 
human utterance. Even Nero might be moved 
by the sheer miracle ; but, if he persisted in his 
cruelty, the after-world at least must discriminate 
between the record of an honourable death and the 
cowardice of those who perished in silence." 

XXVI. Those, on the other hand, who held that 
he ought to wait at home, expressed the same opinion 
of Thrasea himself, but urged that he was threatened 
with mockery and humiliation : it would be better 
not to lend his ear to invectives and to insults. 
" Cossutianus and Eprius were not the only men 
ready and eager for villainy : there were others 
besides who, in their brutality, might perhaps venture 
upon physical violence ; and even the respectable 
might follow through fear. Let him rather spare the 
senate, of which he had been so great an ornament, 
the ignominy of such a crime, and leave it uncertain 
what would have been the decision of the Fathers 
when they saw Thrasea upon his trial ! To touch 
Nero with shame for his infamies was an idle dream, 
and it was much more to be feared that he would 

375 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

magis timendum, ne in coniugem, in filiam, 1 in cetera 
pignora eius saeviret. Proinde intemeratus, inpol- 
lutus, quorum vestigiis et studiis vitam duxerit, 
eorum gloriam peteret fine. 2 Aderat consilio Rusti- 
cus Arulenus, flagrans iuvenis, et cupidine laudis 
offerebat se intercessurum senatus consulto : nam 
plebei tribunus erat. Cohibuit spiritus eius Thrasea, 
ne vana et reo non profutura, intercessori exitiosa 
ineiperet. Sibi actam aetatem, et tot per annos 
continuum vitae ordinem non deserendum : illi 
initium magistratuum et integra quae supersint. 
Multum ante secum expenderet, quod tali in tempore 
capessendae rei publicae iter ingrederetur. Ceterum 
ipse, an venire in senatum deceret, meditationi suae 
reliquit. 

XXVII. At postera luce duae praetoriae cohortes 
armatae templum Genetricis Veneris insedere. 
Aditum senatus globus togatorum obsederat non 
occultis gladiis, dispersique per fora ac basilicas 
cunei militares. Inter quorum aspectus et minas 
ingressi curiam senatores, et oratio principis per 
quaestorem eius audita est : nemine nominatim 
compellato patres arguebat, quod publica munia 

1 filiam Nipperdey : familiarn. 

2 gloriam . . . fine Madvig : gloria . . . finem. 

1 L. Junius Arulenus Rusticus, also a Stoic; praetor in 
69 a.d. (Hist. III. 80), and executed under Domitian for 
composing a life of Thrasea (Agr. 2). Plutarch, who had him 
among his audience at a lecture in Rome, gives an anecdote 
to illustrate his fidpos (il/or. 522 e). 

2 III. 4 n. 

3 The temple to the divine mother of the Julian race, vowed, 
it was said, by Caesar on the eve of Pharsalia and erected in the 
centre of his new Forum. That the senate was meeting in it 

370 



BOOK XVI. xxvi.-xxvii. 

exercise his cruelty on Thrasea's wife, his daughter, 
and the other objects of his affection. Therefore, 
let him seek, unstained and unpolluted, an end as 
glorious as theirs by whose walk and pursuits he had 
guided his life!" Arulenus Rusticus, 1 young and 
ardent, was present at the conclave, and, in his 
thirst for fame, offered to veto the resolution of the 
senate ; for he was a plebeian tribune. Thrasea 
checked his enthusiasm, dissuading him from an 
attempt, futile in itself and profitless to the accused, 
but fatal to its maker. " His own time," he said, 
" was over, and he must not abandon the method of 
life which he had observed without a break for so 
many years. But Rusticus was at the beginning of 
his official career, and his future was uncompromised : 
he must weigh well beforehand in his own mind what 
course of public life he would embark upon in such an 
age." The question, whether it was proper for him 
to enter the senate, he reserved for his private 
consideration. 

XXVII. On the following morning, however, two 
praetorian cohorts in full equipment 2 occupied the 
temple of Venus Genetrix ; 3 a body of men wearing 
the toga, but with swords unconcealed, 4 had beset the 
approach to the senate ; and companies of soldiers 
were scattered through the fora and basilicae. Under 
their eyes and their menaces the senators entered 
their meeting-place, and listened to the emperor's 
speech, as read by his quaestor. Without men- 
tioning any person by name, he taxed the Fathers 

seems hardly to be doubted, though the usual place — the 
curia lulia — lay close at hand. 

4 So that the wearers were easily recognised as guards in the 
undress uniform normal in the capital. 

377 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

desererent eorumque exemplo equites Romani ad 
segnitiam verterentur : etenim quid mirum e longin- 
quis provinciis haud veniri, cum plerique adepti con- 
sulatum et sacerdotia hortorum potius amoenitati 
inservirent. Quod velut telum corripuere accusatores. 
XXVIII. Et initium faciente Cossutiano, maiore 
vi Marcellus summam rem publicam agi clamitabat ; 
contumacia inferiorum lenitatem imperitantis de- 
minui. Nimium mitis ad earn diem patres, qui 
Thraseam desciscentem, qui generum eius Helvidium 
Priscum in isdem furoribus, simul Paconium Agrip- 
pinum, paterni in principes odii heredem, et Curtium 
Montanum detestanda carmina factitantem eludere 
inpune sinerent. Requirere se in senatu consularem, 
in votis sacerdotem, in iure iurando civem, nisi 
contra instituta et caerimonias maiorum proditorem 
palam et hostem Thrasea induisset. Denique agere l 
senatorem et principis obtrectatores protegere solitus 
veniret, censeret, quid corrigi aut mutari vellet : 
facilius perlaturos singula increpantem 2 quam nunc 
silentium perferrent omnia damnantis. Pacem illi 
per orbem terrae, an victorias sine damno exercituum 
displicere ? Ne hominem bonis publicis maestum, 

1 agere] ageret Agricola, Madvig. 

2 increpantem G : inerepatium Med., increpantis vocem 
Madvig, Halm. 

1 After Seneca and Thrasea, the chief figure in the Stoic 
martyrology. For his antecedents and character, see Hist. 
IV. 5 sq. ; for his execution by Vespasian, Suet. Vesp. 15; 
D. Cass. LXVI. 12). 

2 Less famous than Thrasea or Helvidius, but admired by 
Epictetus (Diss. I. 1, 28; 2, 12; Fr. 21, 22 Schenkl). His 
father — see Til. 67 — was executed by Tiberius, probably for 
complicity in the plot of Sejanus (Suet. Tib. 61). Of Montanus 
little is known {Hist. IV. 40, 42). 

378 



BOOK XVI. xxvii.-xxviii. 

with deserting the public service and setting the 
example of indolence to Roman knights. For what 
wonder that members failed to appear from distant 
provinces, when many who had attained the consulate 
and priesthoods preferred to spend their energies 
upon the embellishment of their pleasure-grounds ? 
— It was a weapon for the accusers, and they 
grasped it. 

XXVIII. The attack was opened by Cossutianus ; 
then Marcellus declaimed with greater violence : — 
" Supreme interests of state were at issue : the 
contumacity of his inferiors was wearing down the 
lenience of the sovereign. Hitherto the Fathers 
had been over-indulgent, permitting themselves, as 
they did, to be mocked with impunity by Thrasea, 
who was meditating revolt; by his son-in-law, 
Helvidius Priscus, 1 who affected the same insanity; 
by Paconius Agrippinus, 2 again, heir of his father's 
hatred for emperors ; and by that scribbler of 
abominable verses, Curtius Montanus. In the 
senate he missed an ex-consul ; in the national vows, 
a priest ; at the oath of allegiance, a citizen — unless, 
defiant of the institutions and rites of their ancestors, 
Thrasea had openly assumed the part of traitor and 
public enemy. To be brief, let him come — this 
person who was accustomed to enact the complete 
senator and to protect the slanderers of the prince — 
let him come and state in a motion what he would 
have amended or altered : they would bear more 
easily with his censures of this or that than they now 
bore with his all-condemning silence ! Was it the 
world-wide peace, or victories gained without loss 
to the armies, that met with his displeasure ? A man 
who mourned over the nation's happiness, who 

379 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

et qui fora theatra templa pro solitudine haberet, 
qui minitaretur exilium suum, ambitionis pravae 
compotcm facerent. Non illi consulta haec, non 
magistratus aut Romanam urbem videri. Abrum- 
peret vitam ab ea civitate, cuius caritatem olim, 
nunc et aspectum exuisset. 

XXIX. Cum per haec atque talia Marcellus, ut 
erat torvus ac minax, voce voltu oculis ardesceret, 
non ilia nota et celebritate x periculorum sueta iam 
senatus maestitia, sed novus et altior pavor manus et 
tela militum cernentibus. Simul ipsius Thraseae 
venei-abilis species obversabatur ; et erant qui Hel- 
vidium quoque miserarentur, innoxiae adfinitatis 
poenas daturum. Quid Agrippino obiectum nisi 
tristem patris fortunam : quando et ille perinde 
innocens Tiberii saevitia concidisset. Enimvero 
Montanum probae iuventae neque famosi earminis. 
quia protulerit ingenium, extorrem agi. 

XXX. Atque interim Ostorius Sabinus. Sorani 
accusator, ingreditur orditurque de amicitia Rubellii 
Plauti, quodque proconsulatum Asiae Soranus pro 
claritate sibi potius adcoiiimodatum quam ex utilitate 
communi egisset, alendo seditiones civitatium. 
Vetera haec : sed recens et quo discrimini patris 

1 celebritate] crebritate Rhenanvs. 

1 See above, chap. 23. 
380 



BOOK XVI. xxvm.-xxx. 

treated forum and theatre and temple as a desert, 
who held out his own exile as a threat, must not have 
his perverse ambition gratified ! In Thrasea's eyes, 
these were no senatorial resolutions ; there were no 
magistracies, no Rome. Let him break with life, 
and with a country which he had long ceased to love 
and now to look upon ! " 

XXIX. While Marcellus spoke to this and the like 
effect, grim and menacing as always, fire kindling 
in his voice and look and eyes, there reigned in the 
senate, not that familiar sadness, grown habitual 
now through the rapid succession of perils, but a 
new and deeper terror, as they saw the hands of the 
soldiers on their weapons. At the same time, the 
venerable form of Thrasea himself rose before the 
mind; and there were those who pitied Helvidius 
also, soon to pay the penalty of an innocent connec- 
tion. What had been alleged against Agrippinus, 
except the tragic fate of his father ; since he, too, 
though equally guiltless, had fallen by the cruelty of 
Tiberius ? As to Montanus, a youth without vice, a 
poet without venom, he was being driven from the 
country, purely because he had given evidence of 
his talent. 

XXX. In the meantime, Ostorius Sabinus, 1 the 
accuser of Soranus, entered and began his speech, 
dwelling upon the friendship of the defendant with 
Rubellius Plautus, and upon his governorship of 
Asia, " which he had treated rather as a position 
conveniently adapted to his own distinction than 
with a view to the public interest ; as he had shown 
by fostering the seditious tendencies of the cities." 
This was an old story : what was new, and used for 
implicating the daughter of Soranus in her father's 

38i 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

filiam conectebat, quod pecuniam magis dilargita 
esset. Acciderat sane pietate Serviliae (id enim 
nomen puellae fuit), quae caritate erga parentem, 
simul inprudentia aetatis, non tamen aliud consulta- 
verat quam de incolumitate domus, et an placabilis 
Nero, an cognitio senatus nihil atrox adferret. 
Igitur accita est in senatum, steteruntque diversi 
ante tribunal consulum grandis aevo parens, contra 
filia intra vicensimum aetatis annum, nuper marito 
Annio Pollione in exilium pulso viduata desolataque, 
ac ne patrem quidem intuens, cuius onerasse pericula 
videbatur. 

XXXI. Turn interrogante accusatore, an cultus 
dotalis, an detractum cervici monile venum dedisset, 
quo pecuniam faciendis magicis sacris contraheret, 
primum strata humi longoque fletu et silentio, post 
altaria et aram complexa, " Nullos " inquit " impios 
deos, nullas devotiones, nee aliud infelicibus precibus 
invocavi, quam ut hunc optimum patrem tu, Caesar, 
vos, patres, servaretis incolumem. Sic gemmas et 
vestes et dignitatis insignia dedi, quo modo si 
sanguinem et vitam poposcissent. Viderint isti, 
antehac mihi ignoti, quo nomine sint, quas artes 
exerceant : nulla mihi principis mentio nisi inter 
numina fuit. Nescit tamen miserrimus pater et, si 
crimen est, sola deliqui." 

1 XV. 56, 71. 

382 



BOOK XVI. xxx.-xxxi. 

danger, was a charge that she had distributed money 
to magicians. That had, in fact, happened, owing 
to the filial piety of Servilia (for so the girl was 
called), who, influenced by love for her father and at 
the same time by the imprudence of her years, had 
consulted them, though on no other point than the 
safety of her family and the chances that Nero 
would prove placable and the trial by the senate 
produce no tragic result. She was, therefore, 
summoned before the senate, and at opposite ends 
of the consular tribunal stood an aged parent and, 
facing him, his daughter, who had not yet reached 
her twentieth year ; condemned to widowhood and 
loneliness by the recent exile of her husband Annius 
Pollio, 1 and not even lifting her eyes to her father, 
whose dangers she seemed to have aggravated. 

XXXI. When the accuser then demanded if she 
had sold her bridal ornaments, if she had stripped 
the necklace from her neck, in order to gather money 
for the performance of magic rites, she at first threw 
herself to the ground, in a long and silent fit of 
weeping; then, embracing the altar steps, and the 
altar, exclaimed : " I have resorted to no impious 
gods, to no spells ; nor in my unblest prayers have I 
asked for anything but that you, Caesar, and that 
you, sirs, should preserve in safety this best of 
fathers. My jewels and robes and the emblems 
of my rank I gave as I should have given my blood 
and life, had they demanded them. It is for those 
men, strangers to me before, to see to it what 
repute they bear, what arts they practise : the 
emperor I never mentioned except as deity. But 
my most unhappy father knows nothing ; and, if 
there is crime, I have sinned alone." 

383 

N 2 



THE ANXALS OF TACITUS 

XXXII. Loquentis adhuc verba excipit Soranus 
proclamatque non illam in provinciam secum pro- 
fectam, non Plauto per aetatem nosci potuisse, non 
criminibus mariti conexam : nimiae tantum pietatis 
ream separarent, atque ipse quamcumque sortem 
subiret. Simul in amplexus oceurrentis filiae ruebat, 
nisi interiecti lictores utrisque obstitissent. Mox 
datus testibus locus ; et quantum misericordiae 
saevitia accusationis permoverat, tantum irae P. 
Egnatius testis eoneivit. Cliens hie Sorani, et tunc 
emptus ad opprimendum amicum, auctoritatem 
Stoicae sectae praefereb.it, habitu et ore ad expri- 
mendam imaginem honesti exercitus, ceterum animo 
perfidiosus.subdolus.avariti.im ac libidinemoccultans ; 
quae postquam pecunia reclusa sunt, dedit exemplum 
praecavendi, quo modo fraudibus involutos aut 
flagitiis commaculatos, sic specie bonarum artium 
falsos et amicitiae fallaces. 

XXXIII. Idem tamen dies et honestum exemplum 
tulit Cassii Asclepiodoti. qui magnitudine opum 
praecipuus inter Bithynos, quo obsequio florentem 
Soranum celebraverat, labentem non deseruit. 
exutusque omnibus fortunis et in exilium actus, 
aequitatis deum erga bona malaque documento. 1 
Thraseae Soranoque et Serviliae datur mortis 

1 aequitatis . . . documento Jackson : aequitate . . . 
documenta Med. For the appositive documento, cf. XV. 27 
(multa Romanis seeunda. i|uaedam Parthis evenisse, docu- 
mento adversus superbiam with Roby, L.G. 11. xxxii 



1 P. Egnatius Ce.er, a native of Berytus (D. Cass. LXII. 26) 
and educated at Tarsus (Juv. III. 116 sqq.); indicted in 70 
a.d. by Musonius for his part in this affair; defended, on 
unknown grounds, b} 7 the Cynic Demetrius, but sentenced to 
exile {Hist. IV. 10, 40). 

384 



BOOK XVI. xxxn.-xxxin. 

XXXII. She was still speaking, when Soranus 
caught up her words and cried that " she had not 
gone with him to his province ; from her age, she 
could not have been known to Plautus ; and she was 
not implicated in the charges against her husband. 
They should take her case separately (she was guilty 
only of an overstrained sense of duty) ; and, as for 
himself, let him undergo any and every fate ! " 
At the same moment, he rushed to the arms of his 
daughter, who ran to meet him ; but the lictors threw 
themselves between, and prevented both. Next, 
the evidence was called; and the pity awakened by 
the barbarity of the prosecution found its equal 
in the anger caused by Publius Egnatius l in the part 
of witness. A client of Soranus, now bought to 
procure the destruction of his friend, he affected the 
grave pose of the Stoic school, trained as he was to 
catch by manner and by look the very features of 
integrity, while at heart treacherous, wily, a dis- 
sembler of cupidity and lust. Those qualities gold 
laid bare, and he became an example pointing men 
to caution, not more against the villain clothed in 
dishonesty or stained by crime, than against those 
who seek in honourable attainments a cloak for 
falsehood and for treason in friendship. 

XXXIII. The same day, however, produced also 
an example of honour. It was furnished by Cassius 
Asclepiodotus, by his great wealth the first citizen 
of Bithynia; who, with the same devotion as he 
had accorded to Soranus in his heyday, refused to 
desert him when near his fall, was stripped of his 
entire fortune, and was driven into exile, as a proof 
of heaven's impartiality towards good and evil. 
Thrasea, Soranus, and Servilia were accorded free 

385 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

arbitrium. Helvidius et Paconius Italia depelluntur. 
Montanus patri concessus est, praedicto ne in re 
publica haberetur. Accusatoribus Eprio et Cossu- 
tiano quinquagiens sestertium singulis, Ostorio 
duodeciens et quaestoria insignia tribuuntur. 

XXXIV. Turn ad Thraseam in hortis agentem 
quaestor consulis missus vesperascente iam die. 
Inlustrium virorum feminarumque coetum fre- 
quentem x egerat, niaxime intentus Demetrio Cynicae 
institutionis doetori, cum quo, ut coniectare erat 
intentione vultus et auditis, si qua clarius proloque- 
bantur, de natura animae et dissociatione spiritus 
corporisque inquirebat, donee advenit Domitius 
Caecilianus ex intimis amicis et ei quid senatus 
censuisset exposuit. Igitur flentis queritantisque, 
qui aderant, faeessere propere Thrasea neu 2 pericula 
sua miscere cum sorte damnati hortatur, Arriamque 
temptantem mariti suprema et exemplum Arriae 

1 coetum frequentem Ritter : coetus frequenter Med., 
c. frequente or c. frequentes Med. 1 

2 neu] nee Nipperdey. 



1 Evidently a persona grata with the emperor. He has 
been naturally identified with the veteran epicure of Domi- 
tian's court ( Juv. IV. 107 ; cf. 136 sqq. noverat Me Luxuriant 
imperii veterem noctisque Neronis lam medias e.q.s.). 

2 A sort of Cynic friar — ille seminudus is the description of 
Seneca, who knew him well and admired him without measure 
(see, for instance, De ben. 7). He was in Rome as early as the 
principate of Gaius and seems to have courted the storms with- 
out which life became in his view a mare mortuum (Sen. Ep. 67). 
He drew from Vespasian, who ultimately banished him, the 
characteristic remark : — Su fiev navra noieis Iva ae airoKTeivu), 
iytu he xvva vXolktovvt a ov <t>ovevco (D. Cass. LX V I. 13). 
The allusions in Philostratus, who makes him a friend of 
Apollonius, are negligible. 

386 



BOOK XVI. xxxm.-xxxiv. 

choice of death ; Helvidius and Paconius were ex- 
pelled from Italy ; Montanus was spared out of 
consideration for his father, 1 with the proviso that his 
official career should not be continued. Of the 
accusers, Eprius and Cossutianus received a grant 
of five million sesterces each; Ostorius, one of 
twelve hundred thousand with the quaestorian 
decorations. 

XXXIV. The consul's quaestor was then sent to 
Thrasea : he was spending the time in his gardens, 
and the day was already closing in for evening. 
He had brought together a large party of dis- 
tinguished men and women, his chief attention being 
given to Demetrius, 2 a master of the Cynic creed; 
with whom — to judge from his serious looks and the 
few words which caught the ear, when they chanced 
to raise their voices — he was debating the nature of 
the soul and the divorce of spirit and body. At last, 
Domitius Caecilianus, an intimate friend, arrived, 
and informed him of the decision reached by the 
senate. Accordingly, among the tears and expostu- 
lations of the companv, Thrasea urged them to leave 
quickly, without linking their own hazardous lot 
to the fate of a condemned man. Arria, 3 who aspired 
to follow her husband's ending and the precedent 

3 The three generations mentioned in the sentence are as 
follows : — 1. The elder Arria, wife of Caecina Paetus who was 
involved in the conspiracy of Camillus Scribonianus under 
Claudius (XII. 52 n.); encouraged her husband to die by 
stabbing herself and handing him the dagger with the words : — 
Paete, non dolet (Mart. I. 14, etc.). 2. Caecinia Annia, daugh- 
ter of Caecina and the elder Arria ; wife of Thrasea, whom she 
long survived. 3. Fannia, daughter of Thrasea and the 
younger Arria, and wife of Helvidius Priscus; relegated, with 
confiscation of her estate, tinder Domitian, but returned 
(with her mother) under Nerva. 

387 



THE ANNALS OF TACITUS 

matris sequi monet retinere vitam filiaeque communi 
subsidium unicum non adimere. 

XXXV. Turn progressus in porticum illic a quae- 
store reperitur, laetitiae propior, quia Helvidium 
generum suum Italia tantum arceri cognoverat. 
Accepto dehinc senatus consulto Helvidium et Deme- 
trium in cubiculum inducit ; porrectisque utriusque 
brachii venis, postquam cruorem effudit, humum 
super spargens, propius vocato quaestore, " Libamus " 
inquit " Iovi liberatori. Specta, iuvenis ; et omen 
quidem di prohibeant, ceterum in ea tempora natus 
es, quibus firmare animum expediat constantibus 
exemplis." Post lentitudine exitus gravis cruciatus 
adferente, obversis in Demetrium. . . . 



1 Thrasea's mind must have run back four and twenty years 
to the day when, dissuading the elder Arria from death, he 
asked : — Vis ergo filiam tuam, si mihi pereundum fuerit, mori 
mecum? and received the answer: — Si tarn diu tantaque 
concordia vixerit tecum quam ego cum Paeto, volo (Plin. Ep. 
III. 16). 



388 



BOOK XVI. xxxiv.-xxxv. 

set by her mother and namesake, he advised to keep 
her life and not deprive the child of their union of 
her one support. 1 

XXXV. He now walked on to the colonnade ; 
where the quaestor found him nearer to joy than 
to sorrow, because he had ascertained that Hel- 
vidius, his son-in-law, was merely debarred from 
Italy. Then, taking the decree of the senate, he 
led Helvidius and Demetrius into his bedroom, 
offered the arteries of both arms to the knife, and, 
when the blood had begun to flow, sprinkled it 
upon the ground, and called the quaestor nearer : 
" We are making a libation," he said, " to Jove the 
Liberator. Look, young man, and — may Heaven, 
indeed, avert the omen, but you have been born into 
times when it is expedient to steel the mind with 
instances of firmness." Soon, as the slowness of 
his end brought excruciating pain, turning his gaze 
upon Demetrius . . . 2 

2 Here the Mediceus breaks short. There are lost some 
thirty chapters of this book and the whole of XVII. and 
XVIII. For their contents, see vol. II. 234 2 and the 
Chronological Table. 



389 



INDEX TO HISTORIES 
AND ANNALS 



HISTORIES 



ACTIUM, i. 1 

Adriatic iii. 42 

Adratnetuiii, iv. 50 

Adua (I. d.), ii. 40 

Aedui, i. 51, 64 ; ii. 61 ; iii. 35; iv. 17, 

57 
Aegiali(J. d.), i. 37 
Aelianus: vid. Plautus 
Aemilius Longinus, iv. 59, 62 
— Pacensis, i. 20, 87; ii. 12; iii. 73 
Aenus, iii. 5 
Aerias, ii. 3 
Aesculapius, iv. 84 
Africa, i. 7, 11, 37, 49, 70, 73, 70, 7S ; 

ii. 58, 97; iii. 48; iv. 38, 48 sqq. 
Africanus : vid. Paccius 
Agrestis : vid. lulius 
Agrippa (cf. Acts xxv. 13), ii. 81 ; v. 1 
Agrippa, M Vipsanius (son-in-law of 

Augustus), i. 15 
Agrippa, Ponteius (proconsul oj Asia). 

iii. 46 
Agrippinensis colonia (Cologne), i. 

56 sq. ; iv. 20, 25, 28, 55 sq., 59. 

63-66, 79 
Alani, Jr. 7 

Albani ("Alanos " Slommsen |, l. ( 
AJbingaunum, ii. 15 
Albintimilium, ii. 13 
Albiuus : vid. Lucceius 
Alexander (the Great), fr. 7 
Alexander, Tib., i. 11 ; ii. 71, 79 
Alexandria, i. 31; ii. 79; iii. 1^: y 

81-84; v. 1 
Alfenus Varus, ii. 29, 43; iii, 36, 55. 

61; iv. 11 
Alienus : vid. Uaecina 
Allia, ii. 91 



Allobroges, i. 66 

1. Alpinius Montanus, iii. 35; 
iv. 31 sq. ; v. 19 

2. Alpinius, D. (brother oj 1), v. 19 
Alpinus: vid. lulius 

Alps, i. 23, 66, 89; it. 11, 17, 20, 32; 
iii. 34 sq., 53, 55, 70, 85 ; v. 26 

— Gottian, i. 61, 87; iv. 68 

— Graiau, ii. 60 ; iv. 68 

— Julian, iii. 8 

— Maritime, ii. 12 ; iii. 42 

— Pannonian, ii. 98 ; iii. 1 

— Poenine, i. 70, 87 ; iv. 68 
Altinum, iii. 6 

Ammon, v. 3 sq. 
Amullius Serenus, i. 31 
Anagnia, iii. 62 
Anicetus, iii. 47 sq. 
Annius Bassus, iii. 50 

— Faustus, ii. 10 

— Gallus, i. 87; ii. 11, 23, 33, 44; 
iv. 68; v. 19 

Autioch, ii. 79 sq., 82 
Antiochus (of Cilicia), ii. 81; v. 1 
Antipolis, ii. 15 
Antistius Sosianus, iv. 44 
Antonii, iii. 38 
Antoninus : vid. Arrius 
Antouius Felix (brother oj Pallas), 
v. 9 

— Flamma, iv. 45 

— Naso, i. 20 

— Novellus, i. 87 

— Taurus, i. 20 

Antonius, M. (" Mark Antonv "), ii. 6; 
iii. 24, 06; v. 9, 11 

— Antony's Tower (" turns Antonia"), 
v. 11 

39 * 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Antonius Primus, M., ii. 86 ; iii. 2, 6 
sq., 9 sqq., 13, 15 sqq., 19 sq., 23 sqq., 
34, 49, 52 sqq., 59 sq., 63 sq., 66, 78 
*??.; iv. 2, 4, 11, 13, 21, 31 sq., 39, 
68, 80; v. 19, 26 

Apennines, iii. 42, 50, 52, 55 sq., 59 

Apinius Tiro, iii. 57, 76 

Apis, v. 4 

Apollinaris : rid. Claudius 

Apollo, i. 27 ; iii. 65 ; iv. 83 

Aponius Saturninus, M., i. 79 ; ii. 85, 
96 ; iii. 5, 9 sqq. ; v. 26 

Appian Way, iv. 11 

Apronianus : rid. Vipstanus 

Aquila : vid. Vedius 

Aquileia, ii. 46, 85 ; iii. 6, 8 

Aquilius, iv. 15 

— Regulus, iv. 42 

Aquinum ("colonia Aquinas"), i. 88; 

ii. 63 
Aquinus : rid. Cornelius 
Aquitania, i. 76 
Arabia, v. 6 

— Arabs, v. 1 
Arar, ii. 59 
Arenaoum, v. 20 
Argius, i. 49 
Arieia, iv. 2 

— Grove of, iii. 36 
Ariminum, iii. 41 sq. 
Ariovistus, iv. 73 

Armenia, Armenians, ii. 6, 81 sq. ; 

iii. 6, 24 
Arrecinus Clemens, iv. 68 
Arrius Antoninus, i. 77 

— Varus, iii. 6, 16, 52, 61, 63 sq. ; iv. 
1, 4, 11, 39, 68 

Arruntius, L., ii. 65 
Arsaces, v. 8 

— Arsaeidae, i. 40 
Arulenus Rusticu3, iii. 80 
Arverni, iv. 17 
Ascibureium, iv. 33 

Asia, i. 10; ii. 2, 6, 8 sq., 81, 83; iii. 
46; iv. 17 

1. Asiaticus (Gallic chief), ii. 91 

2. Asiaticus (freedman of Vile!- 
litis), ii. 57, 95; iv. 11 

3. Asiaticus (legalus of Belgica) : 
rid. Valerius 

Asinius Pollio (praefectus nlae), ii. 59 

Asprenas : rid. Calpuruius 

Assyrians, v. 2, 8 

Ateste, iii. 6 

Atilius Vergilio, i. 44 

392 



Atilius Verus, iii. 22 
Atria, iii. 12 
Attianus : rid. Nonius 
Atticus : rid. Iulius, Quintius 
Augusta (title conferred on Vitellius' 

mother), ii. 89 
Augusta Taurinorum, ii. 66 
Augustales, ii. 95 
Augustus (title), ii. 62, 90 

— (month), ii. 91 

AUGUSTUS, i. 11, 15, 18, 50, 89 sq. ; 

ii. 76; iii. 66; iv. 17, 28, 48 57; 

v. 9 ; fr. 4 
Aurelius Fulvus, i. 79 
Auriana ala, iii. 5 
Auspex : rid. Iulius 

Baebius Massa, iv. 50 
Baetasii, iv. 56, 66 
Baetica, i. 53, 78 
Barbius Poroculus, i. 25 
Barea Soranus, iv. 7, 10, 40 
[Bargioras], v. 12 
Basilides (priest), ii. 78 

— (Egyptian magnate), iv. 82 
Bassus : rid. Annius, Lucilius 
Batavians, i. 59, 64; ii. 17, 22, 27 sq., 

43, 46, 69, 97 ; iv. 12, 14-25, 28, 30, 

32 sq., 56, 58, 61, 66, 73,77 sqq., 85; 

v. 15 sqq., 19, 23 sqq. 
Batavodurum, v. 20 
Bedriacum, ii. 23, 39, 44 sq., 49 sq., 

67,66, 70, 86; iii. 15, 20, 25, 27, 

31 
Belgae, iv. 17, 20, 37, 70 sq., 76 
Belgica, i. 12, 58 sq. 
Belus (" Belius " ileiser), v. 7 
Benignus : rid. Orfidius 
Berenice, ii. 2, 81 
Bervtus, ii. 81 
Betiius Cilo, i. 37 
Bingium, iv. 70 
Blaesus : vid. Iunius, Pedius 
Boccboris, v. 3 
Boii, ii. 61 

Bolanus : rid. Vettius 
Bonn, iv. 19 sq., 25, 62, 70, 77; v. 22 
Bononia, ii. 53, 67, 71 
Bovillae, iv. 2, 46 
Brigantes, iii. 45 
Briganticus : rid. Iulius 
Brinno, iv. 15 sq. 
Britain, Briton(s), British, i. 2, 6, 9 

43, 52, 59, 61, 70; ii. 11, 27, 32, 37, 

57, 65 sq., 86, 97, 100; iii. 1 sq., 15, 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



22, 35, 41, 44 sq., 70; iv. 12, 15, 25, 
46, 54, 68, 74, 76, 79; v. 16 

Brixellum, ii. 33, 39, 51, 54 

Brixian Gate, iii. 27 

Bructeri, iv. 21, 61, 77; v. 18 

Brundisium. ii. 83 

Bruti, iv. 8 

Burdo : vid. Iulius 

Byzantium, ii. 83 ; iii. 47 

radius Rufus, i. 77 

Caeoilius Simplex, ii. 60; iii. 68 

Caecina Alienus, i. 52 sq., 61, 67 sq., 
70, 89; ii. 11, 17-27, 30 sq., 41, 43, 
51, 55 sq., 59, 67, 70 sq., 77, 92 sq., 
95, 99 sqq. ; iii. 8 sq., 13 sqq., 31 sq., 
36 sq., 40; iv. 31, 80 

Caecina Tuscus, iii. 38 

— See also Licinius 
Caelius Sabinus, i. 77 
Caeracates iv. 70 

Caesar (title of), i. 62; ii. 62, 80; iii. 

58, 86 
Caesarea, ii. 79 
Caesars, i. 5, 16, 89 ; ii. 6 ; iii. 72 ; v. 5 

— See also IULTOS, AUGUSTUS, 
Tiberius, Gaius, Claudius. 
Nero, etc. 

Caesariensis, Mauretania, ii. 50, 59 
Caetronius Pisanus, iv. 50 
Calabria, ii. 83 
Calenus : vid. Iulius 
Caligula : rid. Gaius 
Calpurnius Asprenas, ii. 9 

— Galerianus, iv. 11, 49 

— Repentinus, i. 56, 59 
Calvia Crispinilla, i. 73 
Calvisius Sabinus, i. 48 
Camerinus : vid. Scribonianus 
Camillus Scribonianus, i. 89 ; ii. 75 
Campania, i. 2, 23 ; iii. 58 sqq., 63, 66, 

77; iv. 3 
Camurius, i. 41 
Caninius Rebilu3, iii. 37 
Canninefates, iv. 15 sq., 19, 32, 56, 

79, 85 
Capito : vid. Fonteius, Vergilius 
Capitol, i. 2, 33, 39 sq., 47, 71, 86; 

ii. 89; iii. 69 sqq., 75, 78, 81 ; iv. 4, 

9, 53 sq. 
Cappadocia, i. 78 ; ii. 6. 81 
Capua, iii. 57 ; iv. 3 
Caratacus, iii. 4,5 
[Oarecina], iv. 5 
Carmel, ii. 78 



Carsulae, iii. 60 
Carthage, i. 76; iv. 49 

— Carthaginians, iv. 50 
Cartimandua, iii. 45 
Cams : vid. Iulius 
Casperius Niger, iii. 73 

Caspian Gates (Pass of Dariet), i. 6 

Cassius, C, ii. 6 

Cassius Longus, iii. 14 

Castores, ii. 24 

Catulus : rid. Lutatius 

Celer : vid. Egnatius 

Celsus : vid. Marius 

Cepheus, v. 2 

Ceres (festival of), ii. 55 

Cerialis: vid. Petilius, Turullius 

Certus : vid. Quintius 

Cestius Gallus, v. 10 

— Severus, iv. 41 
Cetrius Severus, i. 31 
Chatti, iv. 12, 37 
Chauci, iv. 79; v. 19 
Chobus, iii. 48 
Christians, fr. 2 
Cilo : vid. Betuus 
Cimbri, iv. 73 
Cingonius Varro, i. 6, 37 
Cinna, L., iii. 51, 83 
Cinyras, ii. 3 

Civilis : vid. Iulius 

Classicus : vid. Iulius 

Claudia Sacrata, v. 22 

Claudii, i. 16; ii. 48 

Claudius Apollinaris, iii. 57, 76 sq. 

— Cossus, i. 69 

— Drusus Germanicus, v. 19 

— Faventinus, iii. 57 

— Iulianus, iii. 57, 76 sq. 

— Labeo, iv. 18, 56, 66, 70 

— Marcellus, i. 15 

— Pyrrhicus, ii. 16 

— Sagitta, iv. 49 

— Sanctus, iv. 62 

— Severus, i. 68 

— Victor, iv. 33 

Clavdivs, i. 10, 16, 48, 52, 77, 89; 

ii. 75 sq. ; iii. 44 sq., 66 ; v. 9 
Clemens : vid. Arrecinus, Suedius 
Cleopatra, v. 9 
Olodius Macer, i. 7, 11, 37, 73; ii. 97; 

iv. 49 
Cluviae, iv. 5 
Oluvius Rufus, i. 8, 76; ii. 58, 65; 

iii. 65; iv. 39, 43 
Cocceiauus : vid. Salvius 

393 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Cocceius Proculus, i. 24 
Coelius : vid. Roscius 
Coenus, ii. 54 
Colline Gate, iii. 82 
Concord {temple of), iii. 08 
Corbulo, Domitius, ii. 76 
Cordus : vid. Iulius 
Corinth, ii. 1 
Cornelius Aquinus, i. 7 

— Dolabella, i. 88 ; ii. 63 sq. 

— Fuseus, ii. 86; iii. 4, 12, 42, 66; 
iv. 4 ; fr. 6 

— Laco, i. 6, 13 sq., 19, 26, 33, 39, 46 

— Marcellus, i. 37 

— Martialis, iii. 70 sq., 73 

— Orfitus, iv. 42 

— Primus, iii. 74 

— Sulla, L., ii. 38; iii. 72, 83 

— See also Scipio 
Corsica, ii. 16 
Cossus : vid. Claudius 
Costa : vid. Pedanius 
Crassi, ii. 72; iv. 42 

Oassus : vid. Licinius, Scribonianus 

Cremera, ii. 91 

Cremona, ii. 17, 22 sqq., 67, 70, 100; 
iii. 14 sq., 19, 21 sq., 26 sq., 30 sqq., 
40 sq., 46, 48 sq., 53 sq., 60, 72 ; iv. 
2, 31, 51 

Crescens, i. 76 

Crete, v. 2 

Crispina, i. 47 

Crispinilla : vid. Calria 

Crispinus, i. 58 

— See also Varius 
Crispus : vid. Vibius 
Cugerni, iv. 26; v. 16, 18 

(" Curtii lacus,") i. 41 ; ii. 55 
Curtius Montanus, iv. 40, 42 sq. 
Cynic School, iv. 40 
Cyprus, ii. 2 
Cyrene, iv. 45 
Cythnus, ii. 8 sq. 

Daeia, Dacian(s), i. 2; iii. 46, 53; 

iv. 54 ; fr. 6 
Dalmatia, Dalmatian(s), i. 76; ii. 11, 

32, 86; iii. 12, 50, 53 
Danube, iii. 46 
Decimus : vid. Pacarius 
Delphi, fr. s 
Demetrius, iv. 40 
Densus : vid. Sempronius 
Dexter : vid. Subrius 
Didius Scaeva, iii 73 

394 



Dillius Aponianus, iii. 10 sq. 

— Vocula, iv. 24 sqq., 33 sqq., 56 sqq., 
62, 77 

Dis, iv. 83 sq. 

Divodurum, i. 63 

Diurpaneus, fr. 6 

Dolabella : vid. Cornelius 

DOMITTAN, i. 1; iii. 59, 09, 74, 86; 

iv. 2 sq., 39 sq., 43 sqq., 51 sq., 68, 

75, 80, 85 sq. 
Domitius Sabinus, i. 31 
Donatius Valeus, i. 56, 59 
Druids, iv. 54 
Drusilla, v. 9 
Drusus : vid. Claudius 
Ducenius Geminus, i. 14 
Dyrrachium, ii. 83 

Egnatius Celer, iv. 10, 40 

Egypt, Egyptian(s), i. 11, 70, 70; 

ii. 6, 9, 74, 76, 82; iii. 8, 48; iv. 3, 

82 sqq. ; v. 2 sq., 5 sq. 
Eleazar, v. 12 
Eleusis, iv. 83 
Emerita, i. 78 
Epiphanes, ii. 25 
Eporedia, i. 70 
Epponina, iv. 67 
Eprius Marcellus, ii. 53, 95; iv. 6 sqq~, 

10, 42 sq. 
Ethiopians, v. 2 
Etruria, i. 86 ; iii. 41 
Eumolpidae, iv. 83 
Euphrates, v. 9 

Fabius Fabullus, iii. 14 

— Priscus, iv. 79 

— Valens, i. 7, 52, 57, 61 sq., 64, 6fi„ 
74; ii. 14, 24, 27, 29 sqq., 41, 43, 
51, 54 sqq., 59, 67, 70 sq., 77, 92 sq., 
95, 99 sq. ; iii. 15, 36, 40 sqq., 62, 66 

Fanum Fortunae, iii. 50 
Faustus : vid. Annius 
Faventinus : vid. Claudius 
Felix : vid. Antonius, >cxtilius 
Feronia, iii. 76 
Festus, ii. 59 

— See also Valerius 
Fidenae, iii. 79 
Firmus : vid. Plotius 
Flaccus : vid. Hordeonius 
Flaminian Way, i. 86; ii. 64; iii. 19, 

82 
Flamma : vid. Antonius 
1'lavian house, ii. lol 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Flavianus : vid. Iulius, Tampius 
Flavianus, Flaviani, ii. 67; iii. 1, 7, 

9, 13 19, 22 sq., 27, 37, 59, 62 sq., 

69, 82 

1. Flavius Sabinus {urban prefect; 
elder brother of Vespasian), i. 46; 
ii. 55, 63, 99 ; iii. 59, 64 sq., 68 sqq., 
73 sqq., 78 sq., 81, 85; iv. 4 7 

2. Flavius Sabinus, T. (cos. stiff. 
May-June 69 A.D.), i. 77; ii. 36, 
51 

Flavius Vespasianus, T. : ltd. 

Vespasian 
Flavus, ii. 94 

Floras : vid. Gessius, Sulpicius 
Fonteius Agrippa : vid. Agrippa 

— Capito, i. 7 sq., 37, 52, 58 ; iii. 62 ; 
iv. 13 

Forum Iulium (" colonia Foroiulien- 

sis "), ii. 14; iii. 43 
Frisians, iv. 15 sq., 18, 56, 79 
Front inus : vid. Iulius 
Fulous : vid. Aurelius 
Fundanus (reservoir of), iii. 69 
Fuscus : rid. Cornelius 

Gaivs (" Caligula "), i. 16, 48, 89 ; ii. 
76; iii. 68; iv. 15, 42, 48, 68; v. 9 

Galatia, ii. 9 

GALBA, i. 1, 5-16, 18 X?., 21 sqq., 26 sq., 
29-56, 64 sq., 67, 71 sqq., 77, 87 sq. ; 
ii. 1, 6, 9 sqq., 23, 31, 55, 58, 71, 76, 
86, 88, 92, 97, 101; iii. 7, 22, 25, 
57, 62, 68, 85 sq.; iv. 6, 13, 33, 40, 
42, 57; v. 16 

Galbiani, i. 51 

— Galbiana (" legio VII G."), ii. 86 ; 
iii. 7, 10, 21 

Galeria, ii. 60, 64 

Galerianus : vid. Calpurnius 

Galerius Trachalus, i. 90; ii. 60 

Gallia, etc.: rid. Gaul, etc. 

Gallus : vid. Annius, Cestius, Heren- 
nius, Rubrius 

Garamantians, iv. 60 

Garatianus : vid. Trebonius 

Gaul, i. 2, 8, 37, 51, 61 sqq., 87, 89; 
ii. 6, 11, 29, 32, 57, 61, 86, 94, 98; 
iii. 2, 13, 15, 35, 41, 44, 53; iv. 3, 
12, 14, 17 sq., 24 sqq., 28, 31 sq., 
37, 49, 54, 67 sqq., 71, 73 sqq., 85 ; 
v. 19, 23 

— Gallia Lugdunensis, i. 59.; ii. 59 

— Narbonensis, i. 48, 87; ii. 15, 28; 
iii. 42 



Gaulish, Gallic, i. 65, 67; iv. 12, 77; 

v. 26 
Gauls, i. 61, 64, 70; ii. 68 sq., 93; 

iii. 34, 72; iv. 25, 54, 57 sq., 61 sq., 

71, 73, 76, 78 
Gelduba, iv. 26, 32, 35 sq., 58 
Geminus : vid. Ducenius, Virdius 
Gemonian Stairs, iii. 74, 85 
Germanic (" exercitus Germanicus " 

simm.), i. 8, 19, 26, 31, 37, etc. 
Germanicus (as cognomen of Vitellius), 

i. 62, 64; (of Vitellius' son), ii. 59; 

iii. 66 
Germans, i. 62, 61, 68, 70, 84, etc. 
Germany, Germanies, i. 7, 9, 12, 37, 

49 sq., 52 sq., 55, 61, 73; ii. 16, 22, 

69, 93, 97; iii. 2, 35, 41, 4fi, 62, 70; 

iv. 3, 15, 17 sqq., 21, 23, 28, 31, 41, 

49, 54, 64, 70, 72; v. 14, 17 
Gessius Floras, v. 10 
Geta, ii. 72 

Gratilla : vid. Venilana 
Gratus : vid. Iulius 
Greeks, ii. 4; iii. 47; v. 8 
Grinnes, v. 20 
Grypus : vid. Plotius 

Haemus ii. 85 

Hammo : vid. Amnion 

Hannibal, iii. 34; iv. 13 

Hebrew (" Hebraeae terrae "), v. 2 

Helvetians, i. 67, 69 sq. 

Helvidius Priscus, ii. 91 ; iv. 4, 10, 43, 

63 
Hercules Monoecus, iii. 42 
Herennius Gallus, iv. 19 sq., 26 sq., 

59, 70, 77 
Herod, v. 9, 11 

Hierosolyma, ii. 4; v. 1 sq., 8 sq., 11 
Hierosolymus, v. 2 
Hilarus, ii. 65 
Hispal(is), i. 78 
Hispania : vid. Spain 
Histria, ii. 72 
Homer, v. 2 

Horatius Pulvillus, iii. 72 
Uordeonius Flaccus, i. 9, 52, 54, 56; 

ii. 67, 97; iv. 13, 18 sq., 24 sq., 27, 

31, 36, 55, 77; v. 26 
Hormus, iii. 12, 28; iv. 39 
Hostilia, ii. 100; iii. 9, 14, 21, 40 

Ianiculum, iii. 51 
Ianus, fr. 4, 5 
Iazuges, iii. 5 

395 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Icelus, i. 13, 33, 37, 46; ii. 95 
Ma, v. 2, 4 
illyrian Sea, iii. 2 

— Army, i. 31 ; ii. 60, 85 sq. 
Illyricum, i. 2, 6, 9, 76 ; ii. 71 ; iii. 35 ; 

iv. 3 

Interamna, ii. 64; iii. 61, 63 

Ioannes, v. 12 

Iordanes, v. 6 

Isis, iv. 84 ; v. 2 

Italic legion (leq. I Italics), i. 59, 64, 
74; ii. 41, 100; iii. 14, 18, 22 

Italicus (Suebian prin-ce), iii. 5, 21 

— , Silius : vid. Silius 

Italy, i. 2. 9, 11 50, 61 sq., 70, 84; 
ii. 6, 8, 12, 17, 20 sq., 27 sq., 32, 56, 
62, 66, 83, 90; iii. 1 sq., 4 sqq., 9, 
30, 34, 42, 46, 49, 53, 59; iv. 5, 13, 
17, 51, 55, 58, 65, 72 sq., 75 sq.; 
v. 1, 10 

Iuba (as royal name), ii. 58 

Iudaea, Iudaei, ii. 1, 5, 6, 73, 76, 78, 
82; iv. 3; v. 1 sq., 8 sqq., 13; fr. 1-3 

— ludaicum bellum, i. 10; ii. 4, 78; 
iv. 51 

— exercitus, i. 76 ; ii. 79, 81 

— mare, v. 7 

— panis (unleavened), v. 4 
Iudas, v. 2 

Iulia domu3, i. 16 

— gens, ii. 95 

— Iulii, ii. 48 

Iulianus : rid. Claudius, Tettius 
Iulius Agrestis, iii. 54 

— Alpinus, i. 68 

— Atticus, i. 35 

— Auspex, iv. 69 

— Briganticus, ii. 22; iv. 70; v. 21 

— Burdo, i. 58 

— Oalenus, i. 35 

— Cams, i. 42 

— Civilis, i.59;iv. IZ sq., IGsqq., 21 sq., 
24 sqq., 28 sqq., 32 sqq., 54 sq., 58, 
60 sq., 63, 65 sq., 70 sq., 73, 75 sqq. ; 
v. 14 sqq., 19 sqq. 

— Classicus, ii. 14; iv. 55, 57 sqq., 63, 
70 sqq. ; v. 19 sqq. 

— Cordus, i. 76 

— Flavianus, iii. 79 

— Frontinus, iv. 39 

— Fronto, i. 20 ; ii. 26 

— Gratus,-ii. 26 

— Mansuetus, iii. 25 

— Martialis, i. 28, 82 

— Maximus, iv. 33 



Iulius Paulus, iv. 13 

— Placidus, iii. 84 

— Priscus, ii. 92: iii. 55, 61 ; iv. 11 

— Sabinus, iv. 55, 67 

— Sacrovir, iv. 57 

— Tutor, iv. 55, 57 sqq., 70 sqq., 74, 
76, 78 ; v. 9, 21 

— Valentinus, iv. 68 sqq.. 76, 85 

— Vindex, i. 6, 8, 16, 51, 53, 65, 70, 
89; ii. 94; iv. 17, 57, 69 

Iunii, iii. 38 

Iunius Blaesus, i. 59; ii. 59; iii. 38 sq. 

— Mauricus, iv. 40 
Iuno, i. 86 ; iv. 53 

Iuppiter, iii. 72, 74; iv. 53 sq., 5S, 

83 sq. ; v. 2 
Iustus : rid. Minicius 
Iuvenalia, iii. 62 
Iuvenalis, iv. 66 

Janiculum, Janus, etc. : vid. Iani- 

culum, lanus, etc. 
Jerusalem : vid. Ilierosolyma 
Jews : vid. Iudaei 
John : rid. Ioannes 

Labeo: vid. Claudius 

Laco : vid. Cornelius 

Laecanius, i. 41 

Latiuni, iii. 55 

Lebanon, v. 6 

Lepcitani, iv. 50 

Leuci, i. 64 

Libanus : vid. Lebanon 

Liber, v. 5 

Liberty, Hall of ("Libertatis atrium"), 

i. 31 
Liburnian vessels (" Liburnicae "), ii. 

16, 35; iii. 12, 14, 42 sq., 47 sq., 

77; v. 23 
Libya, v. 2 ; fr. 8 
Licinianus : vid. Piso 

1. Licinius Crassus M. triumvir), 
i. 15 

2. Licinius Crassus, M. (cos. 27 
A.D.), i. 14 

3. Licinius Crassus, M. (son of 2; 
brother of L. Calpurnius Piso Licini- 
anus), i. 48; iv. 42 

Licinius Caecina, ii. 53 

— Mucianus, i. 10, 76 ; ii. 4 */., 7, 74, 
76 sqq., 95; iii. 1, 8, 25, 46 sq.. 49, 
52 sq., 63, 66, 75, 78; iv. 4, 11, 24, 
39, 44, 46, 49, 68, 75, 80, 85; v. 



39^ 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Licinius Proculus, i. 46, 82, 87; ii. 33, 

39 sq., 44, 60 
Liguria, ii. 15 

— Ligurians, ii. 14 
Ligus, ii. 13 

Lingones, i. 53 sq., 57, 59, 64, 78; 

ii. 27; iv. 55, 57, 67, 69 sq., 73, 76 

sq. 
Locrians, Jr. * 

Longinus : vid. Aemilius, Pompeius 
Longiis : vid. Cassius 
Lucania, ii. 83 
Lucceius Albinus, ii. 58 sq. 
Luceria, iii. 86 
Lucilius Bassus, ii. 100 sq. ; iii. 12 sq. 

36, 40; iv. 3 
Lucus, i. 66 

Lugdunum : rid. Lyons 
Lupercus : vid. Munius 
Lupia, v. 22 
Lupus : vid. Numisius 
Lusitania, i. 13, 21, 70 
Lutatian family, i. 15 
Lutatius Catulus, iii. 72 
Lyons (" Lugdunum "), i. 51, 59, 64 

sq., 74 ; ii. 59, 65 ; iv. 85 sq. 

Macedonians, iv. 83; v. 8 

— Macedonian lotion (leg. V Macedon- 
ia^, v. 1 

Macer : vid. Clodius, Harcius 

Maevius Pudens, i. 24 

Magnus, On. Pompeius (brother ot Piso 

Liciniarius), i. 48 
Manlius Patruitus, iv. 45 

— Valens, i. 64 
Mansuetus : vid. Iulius 

Marcellus : vid. Claudius. Cornelius, 

Eprius, Romilius 
Marcianus (name assitmed bi/ leelus). 

i. 13 
Marc ins Macer, ii. 23, 35 sq., 71 
Marcodurum, iv. 28 
Mariccus, ii. 61 
Marinus : vid. Valerius 
Marius, C, ii. 38 
Marius Celsus, i. 14, 31, 39, 45, 71, 

77, 87, 90; ii. 23 sqq., 33, 39 sq., 44, 

60 
Marius Maturus, ii. 12; iii. 42 sq. 
Mars (Tim), iv. 61 
Marsaci, iv. 56 

Marseilles (" Massilia "), iii. 43 
Marsi, iii. 59 
Martialis : rid. Cornelius, Iulius 



Martius, Campus, i. 86 ; ii. 95 ; iii. 82 
Massa : vid. Baebius 
Mattiaci, iv. 37 
Maturus : vid. Marius 
Mauretaniae, i. 11 ; ii. 5S sq. 

— Mauri, i. 78 ; ii. 58 ; iv. 50 
Mauricus : vid. Iunius 
Maximus : vid. Iulius, Trebellius 
Medes, v. 8 

Mediolanum, i. 70 

Mediomatrici, i. 63; iv. 70 sqq. 

Mefitis, iii. 33 

Memphis, iv. 84 

Messala : vid. Yipstanus 

Mevania, iii. 55, 59 

Minerva, iv. 53 

Minicius [ustus, iii. 7 

M nturnae, iii. 57 

M isenum (fleet of), ii. 9, 100; iii. 56, 60 

Moesia, Moesian, i. 76, 79; ii. 32, 44. 
46, 74, 83, 85 sq. ; iii. 2, 5, 9, 11, 
18,24,46,53,75; iv. 54; v. 26 

Mogontiacum, iv. 15, 24 sq., 33, 37, 
59, 61, 70 sq. 

Monoecus : vid. Hercules 

Montanus : vid. Alpinius, Curtius 

Moors : vid. Mauri 

Morini, iv. 28 

Mosa, iv. 28, 66 ; v. 23 

Mosctius, i. 87 

Moselle, iv. 71, 77 

Moses, v. 3 sq. 

Mucianus : vid. Licinius 

Mulvian Bridge, i. bT ; ii. 89; iii. 82 

Munius Lupercus, iv. is, 22, 61 

Murcus : i id. Statius 

Musonius Kufus, iii. 81 ; iv. 10, 40 

Mutina, i. 50; ii. 52, 54 

Na'ia ia, v. 26 

Narbonensis, Gallia : vid. Gaul 

— provincia, i. 76; ii. 12. 11, 32: 
iii. 41 

Namia, iii. 58, 60, 63, 67, 78 sq. 

Narycii, ft. 8 

Nasamones, jr. 8 

Naso : vid. Anton ius 

Nava, iv. 70 

NERO, i. 2, 4-10, 13, 16, 20 sqq.. 25, 
30, 46, 48 sq., 51, 53, 65, 70, 72 sq., 
76 sqq., 78, 89 sq. ; ii. 5, 8 sqq., 27, 
54, 58, 66, 71 sq., 76, 86, 95; iii. 6, 
62, 68 ; iv. 7, 8, 13, 41, 42 sqq. ; v. 10 

Nerva, i. 1 

— See also Trajan 

397 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Nervii, iv. 15, 33, 5G, 66, 79 
Niger : vid. Casperius 
Nonius Attianus, iv. 41 

— Beceptus, i. 56, 59 
Norbanus, C, iii. 72 
Noricum, i. 11, 70; iii. 5; v. 25 
Novaesium, iv. 26, 33, 35, 57, 62, 70, 

77, 79; v. 22 
Novaria, i. 70 
Novellus : vid. Antonius 
Numisius Lupus, i. 79 ; iii. 10 

— Rufus, iv. 22, 59, 70, 7 7 
Nymphidius Sabinus, i. 5 sq., 25, 37 

Obultronius Sabinus, i. 37 

Ocean, i. 9; iv. 12, 15, 79; v. 23 

Ocriculum, iii. 78 

Octavius Sagitta, iv. 44 

Oeenses, iv. 50 

Ofonius Tigellinus, i. 21, 72 

Onomastus, i. 25, 27 

Opitergium, iii. 6 

Orfidius Benignus, ii. 43, 45 

Orfitus : vid. Cornelius 

Osiris, iv. 84 

Ostia, i. 80; ii. 63 

OTHO, i. 1, 13, 21 sq., 24, 26-36, 39-47, 
50, 64, 70-90; ii. 1, 6 sq., 11, 13 sq., 
16 sqq., 21, 23, 25 sq., 28, 30 sq., 33, 
36, 38-60, 63, 65, 76, 85 sq., 95, 
101; iii. 10, 32, 44; iv. 17, 54 

Othonian(s) i. 34, 75; ii. 12, 15, 
20-24, 26, 33 sqq., 37, 41 sq., 44 sq., 
54, 60, 71, 86; iii. 13, 26; iv. 1 

Ozolae,/r. 8 

Pacarius Decimus, ii. 16 
Paecius Airicanus, iv. 41 
Pacensis : vid. Aemilius 

1. Pacorus (of Media Atrupatene) 
i. 42 

2. (of Parthia), v. 9 
Padua, ii. 100; iii. 6 sq., 11 
Padus : rid. Po 
Paelignians, iii. 59 
Paetus : vid. Thrasea 

Palatium, i. 17, 29, 32, 35, 39. 47, 70. 

80, 82; iii. 67 sq., 70, 74, 84 
Pamphylia, ii. 9 
Pannonia, Pannonian(s), i. 26, 67, 76; 

ii. 11, 14, \r, 32, 85 sq. ; iii. 1, 4, 

11 sq., 24; iv. 54; v. 26 
Papirius, iv. 49 
Parthia. Parthians, i. 2; ii. 6, 82; 

iii. 24; iv. 51; v. 8 sq. 



Patavium : vid. Padua 

Patrobius, i. 49 ; ii. 95 

Patruitus : vid. Manlius 

Paulinus : vid. Suetonius, Valerius 

Paulus : vid. Iulius 

Pedanius Costa, ii. 71 

Pedius Blaesus, i. 77 

Persians, v. 8 

Perusia, i. 50 

Petilius Oerialis, iii. 59, 78 sqq. ; iv. 68, 

71 sq., 75 sqq., 86; v. 14-24 
Petra (" ala Petriana "), i. 70; iv. 49 
Petronia, ii. 64 
Petronius Turpilianus, i. 6, 37 

— Vrbicus, i. 70 
Pharsalia, i. 50; ii. 38 
Philippi, i. 50; ii. 38 
Phoenicians, v. 6 

Picentine horse (" ala Picentina "), iv. 

62 
Picenum, iii. 42 
Pisa, iii. 42 

1. Piso, C. Calpurnius (centre of 
the Pisonian conspiracy against 
Aero), iv. 11 

2. Piso, L. Calpurnius (cos. 57 
A.D. ; proconsul of Africa), iv. 38, 
48 sqq. 

3. Piso Licinianus, L. Calpurnius 
(adopted son of Galba), i. 14 sq., 17 
sqq., 21, 29 sq., 34, 39, 43 sq., 47 
sq. ; iii. 68 ; iv. 40, 42 

Placentia, ii. 17 sqq., 23 sq., 32, 36, 49 

Placidus : vid. Iulius 

Plancius Varus, ii. 63 

Plautius Aelianus iv. 53 

Plautus : vid. Eubellius 

Pliny (the Elder), iii. 28 

Plotlus Firmus. i. 46, 82 ; ii 46, 49 

Plotius Grypus, iii. 52; iv. 39 sq. 

Po, i. 70; ii. 11, 17, 19 sq., 22 sq., 32, 

34, 39 sq., 43 sq.; iii. 34, 50, 52 
Poetovio, iii. 1 
Polemo, iii. 47 
Pollio : vid. Asinius 
Polyclitus, i. 37; ii. 95 
Pompeius Longinus, i. 31 

— Magnus (" Pompey "), i. 15, 50; 
ii. 6, 38; iii. 51, 66; v. 9, 12 

— Propinquus, i. 12, 58 

— Silvanus, ii. 86 ; iii. 50; iv. 47 

— Vopiscus, i. 77 
Pontia Postumina, iv. 44 

Pontus, ii. 6, 8, 81, 83; iii. 47; iv. 83 
Poppaea Sabina, i. 13, 22, 78 



393 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Porclus Septiminus, iii. 5 
Porsenna, iii. 72 
Postomian Way, iii. 21 
Postumina : rid. Pontia 
Praetertata : vid. Sulpicia 
Primus : rid. Antonius, Cornelius 
Priseus : rid. Fabius, Helvidius, 

lulius, Tarquinius 
Proculus : vid. Barbius, Cocceius, 

Licinius 
Propinquus : vid. Pompeius 
Proserpina, iv. 83 
Ptolemaeus Soter, iv. 83 sq. 

— Euergetes, iv. 87 

— {astrologer), i. 22 
Publilius Sabinus, ii. 92; iii. 36 
Pudens : rid. Maevius 
Pulvillus : rid. Horatius 
Puteolani, iii. 57 

Pyrenees, i. 23 
Pyrrhicus : vid. Claudius 

Quintilius Varus, iv. 17 ; v. 9 
Quintius Atticus, iii. 73 sqq. 

— Oertus, ii. 16 
Quirinus, iv. 53 

Raetia, Raetians, i. 11, 59, C7 sq., 

70; ii. 98; iii. 5, 8, 15, 53; iv. 70; 

v. 25 
Rapax (leg. XXI Rapax), i. Gl, 67; 

ii. 43, 100; iii. 14, 18, 22, 25; iv. 

68, 70, 78 
Ravenna, ii. 100 ; iii. 40 

— (fleet of), ii. 100; iii. 6, 12, 36, 40, 
50 

R«bilus : vid. Caninius 

Receptus : vid. Nonius 

Regium Lepidum, ii. 50 

Regulus : rid. Aquilius, Rosius 

Remi, iv. 67 sqq. 

Repentinus : rid. Calpurnius 

Rhacotis, iv. 81 

Rhine, i. 51; ii. 32; iv. 12, 16, 22, 

26, 55, 59, 64, 73; v. 14, 17 sqq, 

23*?. 
Rhoxolani, i. 79 
Rigodulum, iv. 71 
Rome, i. 4, 8, 79; ii. 9, 55; iii. 56, 

60,77; iv. 3; v. 11 
Romilius Marcellus, i. 56, 59 
Romulus, ii. 95 
Roscius Coelius, i. 60 
Rosius Regulus, iii. 37 
Rubelliua Plautus, i. 14 



Rubrius Gallus, ii. 51, 99 
Rufinus, ii. 94 

— See also Vivennius 

Rufus : rid. Cadius, Cluvius, Muson- 

ius, Numisius, Verginius 
Rusticus : vid. Arulenus 

Sabinus : rid. Calvisius, Flavius, 
lulius, Caelius, Domitius, Nymph- 
idius, Obultronius, Publilius 

Sabine war, iii. 72 

— territory, Iii. 78 
Sacrata : vid. Claudia 
Sacrovir : vid. lulius 
Saevinus (l. d.), i. 77 

Sagitta : vid. Claudius, Octavius 
Salarian Way, iii. 78, 82 
Sallust,/r. 
Salonina, ii. 20 

1. Salvius Titianus (brother of 
Otho), i. 75, 77, 90 ; ii. 23, 33, 39 sq., 
44, 60 

2. Salvius Cocceianus (son of 1), 
ii. 48 

Samnites, iii. 59 
Sanctus : vid. Claudius 
Sardinia, ii. 16 
Saiiolenus Vocula, iv. 41 
Sannatians, i. 2, 79 ; iii. 5, 24 ; iv. 4, 

54 
Saturn, i. 27 ; v. 2, 4 
Saturnalia, iii. 78 

Saturninus : vid. Aponius, Vitellius 
Saxa Rubra, iii. 79 
Scaeva : vid. Didius 

1. Scipio, P. Cornelius (cos. 218 
B.C.), iii. 34 

2. Scipio Asiatius, L. Cornelius 
(cos. 83 B.C.), iii. 72 

Scipio (prefect of cohort), ii. 59 

Scribonia, i. 14 

Scribonianus Camerinus, ii. 72 

— Crassus, i. 47 ; iv. 39 

— See also Camillus 

Scribonii (Scr. Proculus and Scr. 

Rufus), iv. 41 
Scydrothemis, iv. 83 sq. 
Scythians, fr. 7 

Sebosian horse (" ala Sebosiana "), iii. 6 
Sedochezi, iii. 48 
Seleucia, iv. 84 
Seleucus (astrologer), ii. 78 
Sempronius Densus, i. 43 
Sempronius Longus, TL (cos. 218 B.C.), 

iii. 34 

399 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Sena (" Seniensis colonia "), iv. 45 

Sentius, iv. 7 

Septiminus : vid. Porcioa 

Sequani, i. 51 ; iv. 67 

Serapis, iv. 81, 84 

f erenus : vid. Aniullius 

Sertorius, iv. 13 

Servilian Gardens, iii. 38 

Servius Tullius, iii. 72 

Severus : vid. Cestius, Cetrius, 

Claudius 
Sextilia, i. 75; ii. 64, 89; iii. 67 
Sextilius Felix, iii. 5 ; iv. 70 
Sido, iii. 5, 21 
Silanus, M. Iunius (father-in-law of 

Caligula), iv. 48 
Silian horse (" ala Siliana "), i. 70; 

ii. 17 
Silius Italicus, iii. Go 
Silvanus : vid. Pompeius 

1. Simon, v. 9 

2. — v. 12 
Simplex : vid. Caeciliu3 

" SLngularium ala," iv. 70 
Sinope, iv. 83 sq. 
Sinuessa, i. 72 

1. Sisenna (historian), iii. 51 

2. — (centurion), ii. 8 
Sohaemus, ii. 81 ; v. 1 
Solymi, v. 2 

Soranus : vid. Barea 

Sosianus :vid. Antistius 

Sosius, 0., v. 9 

Sostratus, ii. 4 

Spain, i. 8, 22, 37, 49, 62, 76; ii. 32, 

58, 65, 67, 86, 97; iii. 2, 13, 15, 25, 

35, 44, 53, 70; iv. 3, 25, 39, 68, 76; 

v. 19 
— Spanish legion (leg. IX Uupana), 

i. 6 
Spurinna : vid. Yestricius 
Statius Murcus, i. 43 
Stoechades, iii. 43 
" Sublioius, pons," i. 86 
Subrius Dexter, i. 31 
Suebians, i. 2 ; iii. 5, 21 
Suedius Clemens, i. 87; ii. 12 
Suessa Pometia, iii. 72 
Suetonius Paulinus, i. 87, 90; ii. 23 

sqq., 31, 33, 37, 39 */., 44. 60 
Sulla : vid. Cornelius 
Sulpicia Praetextata, iv. 42 
Sulpicii, i. 15 
Sulpicius, Floras, i. 43 
Sunuci, iv. 66 

4OO 



Syria, Syrian, i. 10, 76 ; ii. 2, 5 sq., 
8 sq., 73 sq., 76, 78 sqq. ; iii. 24; 
iv. 3, 17, 39, 84 ; v. 1 sq., 6, 9 sq., 26 

Tamiras, ii. 3 

Tampius Flavianus, ii. 86 ; iii. 4, 10 

sq. ; v. 26 
Tarentum, ii. 83 
Tarpeian Rock, iii. 71 
Tarquinius Priscus, iii. 72 
— Superbus, iii. 72 
Tarracina, iii. 57, 60, 76 sq., 84; 

iv. 2 sq. 
Tartarus, iii. 9 
Tatius, T., ii. 95 
Taurian horse (" ala Tauriana' '), i. 59, 

64 
Taurina colonia : vid. Augusta Taur- 

inorum 
Taurus : vid. Antonius 
Tencteri, iv. 21, C4 sq., 77 
Terentius, i. 41 
Tertullinus : vid. Vulcacius 
Tettius Iulianus, i. 79 ; ii. 85 ; iv. 

39 sq. 
Teutoni, iv. 73 
Thrace, Thracians, i. 11, 68 
Thrasea Paetus, ii. 91 ; iv. 5 sqq. 
Tiber, i. 86 ; ii. 93 ; iii. 82 
TIBEUIVS, i. 15, 16, 27, 89 ; u. 65, 76, 

95 ; iv. 42, 48 ; v. 9 
Ticinum, ii. 17, 27, 30, 68, 88 
Tis^eilinus : vid. Ofonius 
Timotheus, iv. 83 
Tingitana, Jiauretania, ii. 58 sq. 
Tiro : vid. Apinius 
Titianus : vid. Salvius 
Tnvs, i. 1 10; ii. 1, 4 sqq., 74, 79, 82; 

iv. 3, 38, 51 sq. ; v. 1, 10 sq., 13 ; fr. 

2, 5 
Tolbiacum, iv. 79 
Trachalus : vid. Galerius 
Trajan, i. 1 

Transalpine peoples, iv. ">4 
Transpadane Italy, i. 70; ii. 32 
Transrhenane, ii. 17; iv. 15, 23, 28, 

63, 76; v. 16, 25 
Trapezus, iii. 47 

Trebellius Maximus, i. 60 ; ii. 65 
Trebonius Garutianus, i. 7 
Treves (" Treviri "), i. 53,57,63; 

ii. 14, 28; iii. 35; iv. 18, 28, 32, 
37, 55, 57 sq. 62, 66, 68 Sqq., 85; 

v. 14, 17, 19, 24 
Triaria, ii. 63 sq. ; iii. 77 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Triboci, iv. 70 

Tullius : rid. Servius 

Tungri, ii. 11 sq., 28; iv. 16, 55, 66, 

79 
Turpilianus : rid. Petronius 
Turullius Cerialis, ii. 22 
Tu3cua : rid. Gaecina 
Tutor : rid. Iulius 

Vada, v. 20 sq. 

Valeus : rid. Donatius, Fabius, 

Manliua 
Valentinna : rid. Iulius 
Valerius Asiaticus, i. 59 ; iv. 4 

— Festus, ii. 98 ; iv. 49 sq. 

— Jlarinus, ii. 71 

— Paulinus, iii. 42 sq. 
Vangiones, iv. 70 
Varius Crispinus, i. 80 
Tarro : rid. Cingonius 

Varus : rid. AJfenus, Arrius, Plan- 
cius, Quintiliu3 

Vascones, iv. 33 

Vatican, ii. 93 

Vatinii, i. 37 

Vbii, iv. IS, 28, 55, 63, 77; v. 21 

Vedius Aquila, ii. 44 ; iii. 7 

Velabrum, i. 27; iii. 74 

Veleda, iv. 61, 65; v. 22, 24 

Vellocatus, iii. 45 

Ventidius, P., v. 9 

Venus, ii. 2 

Vcnutius, iii. 45 , 

Verania, i. 47 

Verax, v. 20 sq. 

Vercellae, i. 70 

Vergilio : rid. Atilius 

Vergilius Capito, iii. 77 ; iv. 3 

Verginius Rufus, i. 8 sq., 52 .57., 77; 
ii. 49, 51, 68, 71; iii. G2; iv. 17, 
69 

Verona, ii. 23 ; iii. 8, 10, 15, 50, 52 

Verulana Gratilla, iii. 69 

Verus : rid. Atilius 

Vespasian, i. 1, 10, 46, 50, 76; ii. 1, 
4, 5, 7, 67, 73 sq., 76, 7S sqq., 96 
sqq. ; iii. 1, 3, 7 sqq., 34, 37 sq., 
42 sqq., 48 sq., 52 sq., 57, 59, 63 
sqq., 69 sq., 73, 75, 77 sq., 86; iv. 
3 sqq., 13 sq., 17, 21, 24, 27, 31 sq., 
36 sqq., 42, 46, 49, 51 sq.. 54, 58, 
68, 70, 75, 7 7, 80 sqq. ; v. 1, 10, 13, 
25 sq. ; fr. 4, 5 

Vesta, i. 43 

Vestals, iii. 81 ; iv. 53 



Vestinus, L., iv. 53 

Vestricius Spurinna, ii. 11, 18 sq., 23, 

36 
Vetera, iv. 18, 21, 35 sq., 57 sq., 62 ; 

v. 14 
Vettius Bolanus, ii. 65, 97 
Veturius, i. 25 

Vibius Crispus, ii. 10; iv. 41 sqq. 
Vicetia, iii. 8 
Victor : rid. Claudius 
Victory (image of), i. 86 
Vienna ( Fienne), i. Go sq., 77 ; ii. 29, 6G 
Vindcx : rid. Iulius 
Vindonissa, iv. 61, 70 
Vinius, T., i. 1, 6, 11 sqq., 32 sqq., 37 

39, 42, 44, 47 sq., 72; ii. 95 
Vipsanian Colonnade, i. 31 
Vipstanus Apronianus, i. 76 
— Messala, iii. 9, 11, IS, 25, 28 ; iv. 42 
Virdius Geminus, iii. 48 
Vitcllians, i. 75; ii. 14 sq., 21, 23, 25, 

27, 31, 34 sq., 44 sq., 56; iii. 9, 16 

sq., 23 sqq., 27, 29, 31 sq., 35, 43, 

60 sq., 63, 69, 71, 73, 77, 79, 82, M ; 

iv. 1, 38, 46 49 
Vitellii, ii. 64 

1. VlTELLIVS, i. 1, 9, 14, 41, 52, 
56 sqq., 67 sqq., 73 sqq., 84 sq.. 90; 
ii. 1, 6 sq., 14, 16 sq., 21, 27, 30 sqq., 
38, 42 sq., 47 sq., 52 sqq., 80 sqq. ; 
iii. 1 sqq., 8 sqq., 31, 35 sqq., 4 7 sq., 
53 sqq., 78 sqq., 84 sqq. ; iv. 1, 3 sq., 
11, 13 sqq., 17, 19, 21, 24, 27, 31, 
36 sq., 41, 46 sq., 49, 51, 54 sq., 58, 
70, 80; v. 26 

2. Vitellius, L. (father of 1), i. 9; 
iii. 66, 86 

3. Vitellius, L. (brother of 1 

ii. 54, 63; iii. 37 sq., 55, 58, 70 sq.; 

iv. 2 
Vitellius s-aturninus, i. 82 
Vivennius Rulinus, iii. 12 
Vmbria, iii. 41 sq., 52 
Vmbricius, i. 27 
Vocetius, i. 68 
Vocontii, i. 66 

Vocula : rid. Dillius, Sariolenus 
Volaginius, ii. 75 
Vologaesus, i. 40; iv. 51 
Volusius, C, iii. 29 
Vopiscus : rid. Pompeius 
Vrbicus : rid. Petronius 
Vrbinum, iii. 62 
Vsipi, iv. 37 
Vulcacius Tertullinus, v. 9 

40I 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



ANNALS 



Abdaoaese?, vi. 36, 37, 43, 44 

Abdus, vi. 31 sq. 

Aborigines, xi. 14 

Abudius Ruso, vi. 30 

Acbarus (properly Abgarus), xii. 12, 14 

Acerronia, xiv. 5, 6 

Achaemenes, xii. 18 

Achaia (Achaei), i. 76 {ceases tempor- 
arily to be senatorial province), 80; 
(under legate of Moesia), ii. 53 ; iii. 
7; iv. 13, 43; v. 10; vi. 18; xiv. 
21; xv. 33, 36, 45 

Acilia (Lucan's mother), xv. 56, 71 

1. If. Acilius Aviola (cos. 53 A.D.), 

xii. 64 

2. Acilius Aviola (father of a ?). 

iii. 41 

3. Acilius Strabo, xiv. 18 
Acratus, xv. 45; xvi. 23 
Acte, xiii. 12, 46; xiv. 2 

Actium, xv. 23; Actiaca victoria, i. 3; 
ii. 53; iv. 5 

— bellum, iii. 55 

— legiones, i. 42 

— religio, xv. 23 
Actumerus, xi. 16, 17 
Acutia, vi. 47 
Adgandestrius (?), ii. 88 
Adiabeni, xii. 13 sq. ; xv. 1, 4, 14 
Adrana, i. 56 

Adrumetum, xi. 21 

Aedui, iii. 40 (rebellion under Sacrovir), 

43 sqq. ; xi. 25 (receive "mm 

honorum ") 
Aeetes, vi. 34 

Aegaeum mare, v. 10; xv. 71 
Aegeae (Cilicia), xiii. 8 
Aegeatae (Aeolis), ii. 47 
Aegiensis civitas (Aegium in Achaea), 

iv. 13 
Aegyptus : vid. Egypt 
Aelia Paetina, xii. i 
Aelius Gallus (eldest son of Sejanus?), 

v. 8 
Aelius Gracilis (legate of Belgica), xiii. 

53 
Aelius Lamia (friend of Horace), iv. 13 ; 

vi. 27 
Aelius Seianus : vid. Sejanus 
Aemilia Lepida : vid. Lepida 

— Musa : vid. Musa 

402 



Aemilia monumenta, iii. 72 

— gens, vi. 27 

Aemiliana praedia (property of Tigel- 

linus), xv. 40 
Aemilii, iii. 22, 24 ; vi. 29 
Aemilius Lepidus : vid. Lepidus 
Aemilius Mamercus, xi. 22 
Aemilius Paulas, xii. 38 
Aemilius Scaurus : vid. Scaurus 
Aemilius (leading centurion), ii. 11 ; 

iv. 42 
Aeneas, iv. 9 ; xii. 58 
Aequi, xi. 24 
Aerias, iii. 62 
Aesculapius, iii. 63; iv. 14; xii. 61; 

xiv. 18 
Aeseminus, M. Claudius Marcellus, 

iii. 11 
Afer : vid. Domitius 
L. A fin i ns, xiv. 48 

Airanius (lieutenant of Pompey), iv. 34 
Afranius Eurrus : rid. Burrus 
Airanius Quintianus : xv. 49, 56, 70 
Africa, i. 53, etc. 

— garrison of, ii. 52 ; iv. 5 

— corn production in, xii. 43 ; Africum 
mare, i. 53 

— ventus, xv. 46 

Agermus (Agerinus), xiv. 6, 7. 8, 10 

Agrippa : vid. Asinius, Fonteius, 
Haterius, Julius 

Agrippa Postumus, i. 3 sqq., 53 ; iii. 30 : 
ci. ii. 39 sq. 

Agrippa Vibulenus, vi. 40 

Agrippa (Herod Agrippa, the elder), 
xii. 23 ; (the younger), xiii. 7 

Agrippa, M. Vipsanius (son-in-law oj 
Augustus), i. 3, 41, 53; iii. 19, 56, 
75; iv. 40; vi. 51 ; xii. 27; xiv. 53, 
55 ; xv. 37, 39 

1. Agrippina (jri/<? of Germanicus), 
i. 33, 41, 44, 69; ii. 43, 54, 55, 57, 
75,79; iii. 1,3, 4, 17, 18; iv. 12, 17, 
19, 39, 40, 52, 53, 54, 60, 67, 68, 70, 
71; v. 1, 3, 4; vi. 25, 26; xiv. 63 
~~^> 2. Agrippina (daughter of Ger- 
manicus), iv. S3, 75; xi. 12; xii. 
1-8, 22, 25-27, 37, 41 sq., 56 sq., 
59, 64-69; xiii. 1 sq., 5, 13-16, 
19-21; xiv. 1-13, 57; xv. 50; 
xvi. 14, 21 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Ahenobarbus : rid. Domitius 

Alba, xi. 24; Aiban kings, iv. 9; 

stone, xt. 43 
Albanj {Caucasian), ii. 68; iv. 5; vi. 

33-35; xii. 45; xiii. 41 
Albis : vid. Elbe 
AJbucilla, vi. 47 sq. 
Alesia, xi. 23 
Alexander (the Great), ii. 73; iii. 63; 

vi. 31 ; xii. 13 
Alexander, Tiberius, xv. 2S 
Alexandria, ii. 59, 67 
Aliso, ii. 7 

Alledius Severus, xii. 7 
Alliaria, i. 53 

Alps, xi. 34; Alpes Maritiraae, xv. 32 
Altinus, Iulius, xv. 71 
\inaiiu-. 
Amasis, vi. 28 
Amathus, iii. 62 
Amazons, iii. 61 ; iv. 56 
Amisia : vid. Ems 
Amorgus, iv. 13, 30 
Amphictyous, iv. 14 
Ampsivarii, xiii. 55 sq. 
Amunclanum mare, iv. 59 
Ancharins Priscua, iii. 38, 70 
Ancona, iii. 9 
Ancus, iii. 26 
Andecavi, iii. 41 
Anemurium, xii. 55 
Angrivarii, ii. 8, 19, 22, 24, 41 
Anicetus, xiv. 3, 7, 8, 62 
Anicius Cerialis, xv. 74; xvi. 17 
Annaeus Lucanus : vid. Lucan 
Annaeus Mela, xvi. 17 
Annaeus Seneca : rid. Seneca 
Annaeus Serenus, xiii. 13 
Annaeus Statius, xv. 64 
Annia Eufilla, iii. 36 

1. Annius Poilio, vi. 9 

2. Annius Vinicianus, L. (son ofl), 
vi. 9 

3. Annius Vinicianus (son of 2; 
son-in-law of Corbulo), xv. 28 

4. Annius Poilio (brotlier of 3 ?), 
xv. 56, 71; xvi. 3o 

Anteius, P., xiii. 22 ; xvi. 14 

Antenor, xvi. 21 

Anthemusias, vi. 41 

Antigonus (Doson), iv. 43 

Antioch, ii. 69, 73, 83 

Antiochus (the Great), ii. 63; iii. 62; 

xii. 62 
Antiochus (of Commageue), ii. 42 



Antiochus, His son, xii 55; xiii. 7, 3 7; 

xiv. 26 
Antistia Pollitta, xiv. 22; xvi. 10 
Antistius Labeo, iii. 75 
Antistius Sosianus, xiii. 28, 48 sy. ; 

xvi. 14, 21 

1. Antistius Vetus, 0. (cos. 23 
A.D.), iv. 1 

2. 11 is son, cos. 11 50 A.D., xii. 25 

3. L. Antistius Vetus (nephew of \, 
cos. 55 A.D.), xiii. 11, 53; xiv. 58; 
xvi. 10 sq. 

4. Antistius Vetus (of Macedonia ), 
iii. 38 

Antium, iii. 71; xiv. 3, 4, 27; xv. 

23, 39 
Antius, C. ii. C 

1. Antouia (mother of Oermanieus 
and Claudius), iii. 3, 18; xi. 3; 
xiii. 18 

2. Sister ofl, wife of L. Domitius, 
iv. 44; xii. 64 

3. Daughter of Claudius, xii. 2, 
68 ; xiii. 23 ; xv. 53 

Antoninus, Hatorins, xiii. 3 t 

1. Antonius, [alios, i. 10; iii. 18; 
iv. 44 

— L. Antonius (his .«//<), iv. 44 

2. M. Antonius (die triumvir, 
father of I), i. 1, 2,9, 10; ii. 2, 3,43, 
53, 65; iii. 18; iv. 34, 13, A\; xi. 7 

3. His father, xii. ii2 
Antonius Felix (brother of Pallas), xii. 

54 
Antonius Natalis, xv. 5n, 54-56, 71 
Antonius Primus, xiv. 10 
Aorsi, xii. 15, 16, 19 
Apamea, xii. 58 
Aphrodisias, iii. 62 
Apicata, iv. 3, 11 
Apicius, iv. 1 
Apidius Merula, iv. 42 
Apio, xiv. 18 
Apollo, iii. 61, 63; v. 55 ; xiv. 14 

— Clarius, ii. 54 ; xii. 22 

— Pythius, xii. t;3 
Apoflonidenses, ii. 47 
Aponius. L., i. 29 
Appian Way, ii. 30 
Appius Appianus, ii. 48 
Appius Silanus, vi. 9 ; xi. 29 
Appuleia Varilla, ii. 50 
Appuleius, Sex. (cos. a.d. 14), i. 7 
April (month renamed " Seroaeus '), 

xv. 74; xvi. 12 

4°3 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Apronia, iv. 22 

Apronius, L., i. 56, 72; ii. 32; ili. 21, 

64; iv. 13, 22, 73; vi. 30; xi. 19 
Apronius Caesiamis (son of the above), 

iii. 21 
Apulia, iii. 2; iv. 71; xvi. 'J 
Aquila, IuJius, xii. 15, 21 
Aquilia, iv. 42 
Arabs (of Arabia), vi. 28 ; (of Osro&ne), 

41; xii. 12, 14 
Arar, xiii. 52 
Araricus : vid. Vulcacius 
Araxes, xii. 51 ; xiii. 39 
Arcadia, xii. 53 (xi. 14 ; xv. 41) 
Archelau3 (of Cappadocia), ii. 42; xiv. 

26 

— His son, t vi. 41 
Ardennes, iii. 42 
Areopagus, ii. 55 
Argives, xii. 61 (xi. 14) 
Argolicua, vi. 18 

Arii, xi. 10 

Ariobarzanes, ii. 4 

Aristobulus, xiii. 7 ; xiv. 26 

Aristonicus, iv. 55 ; xii. 62 

Armenia, i. 3 ; ii. 3 sq., 43, 57 ; iii. 48 ; 

vi. 31 sqq., 36, 40; xi. 9 sq. ; xii. 12, 

45, 49 sq. ; xiii. 6 sqq., 34, 37; xiv. 

26, 29; xv. 1-3, 5-7. 9, 14, 16*-/., 

24 sqq. ; xvi. 23 

— Armenia Minor, xi. 9; xiii. 7 

— Annenii, ii. 55 sq., 60, 64, 68 ; vi. 
44; xi. 8; xii. 44, 46, 48; xiii. 5, 
30; xiv. 24; xv. 12 sq., 15, 27 

Arminius, i. 55, 57-61, 63, 65, 68; 

ii. 9 sq., 12 sq., 15, 17, 21, 44-46, 88 : 

xi. 16 sq. ; xiii. 55 
Arnus (Arno), i. 79 
Arpus, ii. 7 
Arria (wife of Thrasea), xvi. 34 

— Her mother, ib. 
Arrius Varus, xiii. 9 

Arruntius, L., i. 8, 13, 76, 79; iii. 11, 

31; vi. 5, 7, 27, 47 sq. ; xi. 6 sq. 
Arruntius Stella, xiii. 22 
Arsaces, vi. 31, 33; xii. 14 

— Arsacidae, ii. 1-3 ; vi. 31, 34, 42 
sq. ; xi. 10; xii. 10; xiii. 9, 37; 
xiv. 26 ; xv. 1, 14, 29 

Arsamosata, xv. 10 
Arsanias, xv. 15 

Artabanus III (of Parthia), ii. 3 sq., 
58; vi. 31-33, 36 sq., 41-44 

— His son, xi. 8 
Artavasdes, ii. 3 sq. 

404 



Artaxata, ii. 56; vi. 33; xii. 50 sq.; 

xiii. 39, 41 ; xiv. 23 
Artaxias, ii. 3, 56, 64 ; vi. 31 
Artemita, vi. 41 
Artoria Flaccilla, xv. 71 
Arulenus Rusticus, xvi. 26 
Aruseius L., vi. 7, 40 
Asclepiodotus, Cassius, xvi. 33 
Asconius Labeo, xiii. 10 
Asia (continent), xii. 63 
— Province, ii. 47, 54; iii. 7, 32, 58, 

66-68, 71 ; iv. 13-15, 36 sq., 55 sq. ; 

v. 10; xiii. 1, 33, 43; xiv. 21 sq., 

27, 57 sq. ; xv. 45 ; xvi. 10, 13, 23, 30 
Asiaticns, Valerius, xi. 1, 3; xiii. 43 

1. C. Asinias Pollio (the orator), i. 
12 On.; iii. 75; iv. 34; xi. 6 sq. ; 
xiv. 40 

2. 0. Asinius Uallus (son of the 
above), i. 8, 12 sq., 76 sq. ; ii. 32 sq.. 
35 sq. ; iii. 11 : iv. 20, 30, 71 ; vi. 23. 
25 

3. C. Asinius Pollio (son of the 
above, cos. 23 A.D.), iv. 1 

4. M. Asinius Agrippa (brother of 
the above, cos. 24 A.D.), iv. 34, 61 

5. Asinius Saloninus (brother of 
'he above), Hi. 75 

6. M. Asinius Marcel lus(son of 4 ', 
cos. 54 A.D.), xii. 64 ; xiv. 40 

Asper : vid. Sulpicius 

Asprenas L., i. 53 ; iii. 18 

Assyria, xii. 13 

Ateius, M., ii. 47 

Ateius Oapito, 0., i. 76, 79 ; iii. 70, 75 

Athens, ii. 53, 55 (xi. 14, 24 ; xv. 64) 

Atia, iii. 68 fin. 

Atidius Geminus, iv. 43 

Atilius, A., ii. 49 

Atilius (freedman), iv. 62 sq. 

Atimetus, xiii. 19, 21 sq. 

Attica, v. 10 

Atticus : vid. Ourtius, lulius. Pom- 

ponius, Quintius. Vestinus 
Attius, vi. "34 

Attus Olausus, iv. 9 ; xi. 24 ; xii. 25 
Atvs, iv. 55 
Autidienus Ruius, i. 20 
Augurinus, lulius, xv. 50 
Augusta (wife of Augustus) vid. 

Li via 
Augusta (title), •. 8; xii. 26; xv. 23 
Augustales (ludi), i. 15, 64 
Augustales (sodales), i. 54; ii. 83; 

iii. 64 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Augustiani, xiv. 16 

Augustodunum, iii. 43, 40 sq. 

AUGUSTUS, i. 1, 3-16, 19, 26, 31, 33-35 
40-42, 46, 50, 53 sq., 58 sq., 72-74 
76-78; ii. 1 sq., 4, 22, 26 sq., 37-39 
41-43, 49 sq., 50, 53, 55, 59, 64, 71 
iii. 4-6, 16, 18, 23-25, 28 sq., 34, 48 
54, 56, 62-64, 66, 68, 71, 74 sq, 
iv. 1, 3, 5, 8, 15 sq., 20, 34, 36-40 
42, 44, 52, 65, 57. 64, 67, 71, 75 
v. 1 ; vi. 3, 11-13, 45 sq., 51 ; xi. 7 
11, 25; xii. 1, 23, 25, 56, 60, 64, 69 
xiii. 1, 3, 6, 19, 29, 34; xiv. 15, 53, 
55; xv. 35; xvi. 22 

M. Aurelius Cotta Messalinus (cos. 20 
A.D.), ii. 32; iii. 2, 17; iv. 20: v. 3; 
vi. 5, 7; xii. 22 

Aurelius Cotta (.son of <he above?), 
xiii. 34 

Aurelius Pius, i. 75 

Auzea, iv. 25 

Aventinus, vi. 45 

Avernus, xv. 42 

Avitus, Dubius, xiii. 54, 56 

Bacchae, xi. 31 
Bactria, ii. 60; xi. 8 
Baduhenna, iv. 73 

Baiae, xi. 1 ; xiii. 21 ; xiv. 4; xv. 52 
Balbillus, Ti., xiii. 22 
Balbus, Ij. Cornelius (the friend of 
Caesar), xi. 24 ; xii. 60 

— His nephew, iii. 72 

— See also : — Domitius, Laelius 
Balearic Islands, xiii. 43 

Barea Soranus, xii. 63; xvi. 21, 23, 

30, 32 sq. 
Barium, xvi. 9 
Bastarnae, ii. 65 
Batavi, ii. 6, 8, 11 
Bathyllus, i. 54 
Bauli, xiv. 4 
Belgae, i. 34, 43 ; iii. 40 

— Gallia Belgica, xiii. 63 
Beneventum, xv. 34 
Bibaculus, iv. 34 
Bibulus, 0., iii. 62 

Bithynia, i. 74; ii. 60; xii. 22; xiv. 

46; xvi. 18, 33 
Blaesus, Iunius (Father), i. 16, 18 sq., 

19, 21-23, 29; iii. 35, 58, 72-74; 

iv. 23, 26 ; v. 7 

— Son, i. 19, 29; iii. 74 

— Father and son, vi. 40 
Blaesus. Pedius, xiv. 18 



Blandus : vid. Rubellius 

Blitius Catulinus, xv. 71 

Boarium, Forum, xii. 24 

Boiocalus, xiii. 65 sq. 

Bolanus : vid. Vettius 

Bononia, xii. 58 

Bosporus (kingdom), xii. 15 sq., 63 

Boudicca, xiv. 31, 35, 37 

Bovillae, ii. 41 ; xv. 23 

Brigantes, xii. 32, 36, 40 

Britain, Britons, ii. 24; xi. 3; xii. 81, 

33, 35 sq.; xiv. 29, 31 sq.. ?.i sq., 

37, 39; xvi. 15 
Britannicus, xi. 1, 4, 11, 26, 32, 34; 

xii. 2, 9, 25 sq., 41, 65, 68 sq. ; xiii. 

10, 14-17, 19, 21 ; xiv. 3 
Bructeri, i. 51, 60; xiii. 56 
Brundisium, ii. 30; iii. 1, 7; iv. 24 

— Treaty of, i. 10 
Bruttedius Niger, iii. 66 

Brutus, L. Iunius (founder of republic), 

i. 1 ; xi. 22, 25 
Brutus, M. Iunius (tyrannicide), i. 2; 

ii. 43; iii. 76; iv. 34 sq. 

— Bruti (= M. Iunius Brutus and D. 
Iunius Brutus Albinus). i. 10; 
xvi. 22 

Burrus, Airanius, xii. 42, 69; xiii. 2, 
6, 14, 20 sg., 23; xiv. 7, 10, 14 sq., 
51 sq., 57, 60 

Byzantium, ii. 54 ; xii. 62 sq. 

Cadius Uufus, xii. 22 
Cadmus, xi. 14 
Cadra, vi. 41 
Caecilianus, C. ?, vi. 7 

— See also Domitius, Magius 
Caecilius Cornutus, iv. 28, 30 
Caecina Severus, A., i. 31 sq., 37, 48, 

50, 56, 60 sq., 63-66, 72; ii. 6; 

iii. 18, 33 sq. 
Caecina Largus, P., xi. 33 sq. 
Caecina Tuscus, xiii. 20 
Caedicia, xv. 71 
Caeles Vibenna, iv. 65 
Caelian Hill, iv. 64 sq.; xv. 38 
Caelius, C. (cos. 17 A.D.), ii. 41, where 

see Nipperdey 
Caelius Cursor, iii. 27 
Caelius Pollio, xii. 45 
Caepio Crispinus, i. 74 
Caesar, 0. Iulius, i. 1 sq., 8, 42 ; ii. 41 ; 

iii. 6, 62; iv. 34, 43 sq.; vi. 16; 

xi. 23, 26; xii. 34, 60; xiii. 3; 

xiv. 9 ; xvi. 9, 22 

405 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Caesar, Gains (grandson of Augustus), 

i. 3, 53; ii. 4, 42; iii. 4*; iv. 1, 4m; 

vi. 51 
Caesar, Lucius {grandson of Augustus), 

i. 3, 53; iii. 23; vi. 51 
Caesar: rid. AUGUSTUS, CLAUDIUS, 

GAIUS, GERMAMTCUS. N'ERO, Tl- 

BERrUS 
Oaesares, i. 3 ; xii. 2, 6, ti2 ; xiii. 1 ; 

xiv. 7, 61; xv. 14; xvi. 7 
Caesellius Bassus, xvi. 1, 3 
Oaesennius Maximus, xv. 71 
Oaesennius Paetus (cos. 61 A.D.), xiv. 

29; xv. 6-12, 14, 16 */., 24-26, 28 
Caesia silva, i. 50 
Oaesius Cordus, iii. 38, 70 
Oaesius Xasica, xii. 40 
Oaesoninus : vid. Suilliua 
Caetroaius, C, i. 4 1 
Calabria, iii. 1 sq. ; xii. 65 
Calavius Sabinus, xv. 7 
Cales, vi. 15 (iv. 27?) 
Caligula : vid. Gains 
Callistus, xi. 29, 38 ; xii. 1 sq. 
Calpurnia(" illustris femina "), xii. 22; 

xiv. 12 

— Concubine of Claudius, xi. 30 
Calpurnii, iii. 24 

— " Calpuraium genus," xv. 48 

— " Calpurnia scita," xv. 20 
Calpurnius Pabatus, xvi. S 

— Salvianus, iv. 36 

— Piso : vid. Piso 
Calpurnius (standard-hearer), i. 39 
Calu3idius, i. 35 

Calvina : rid. .Iimia 

Calvisius Sabinus, C. (cos. 26 A.D.), 

iv. 46 ; vi. 9 
Calvisius (client of silana), xiii. 19, 

21 sq. ; xiv. 12 
Camerinus : rid. Sulpiciua 
Camerium, xi. 24 
Oamillus (dictator), ii. 52 

— Scribonianus : vid. Furius 
Campania, iii. 31, 47, 59; iv. 57, 67, 

74; vi. 1; xiii. 26; xiv. 10, 13, 60 
sq.; xv. 22, 46, 51, 60; xvi. 13, 19 

Camulodunum, xii. 32; xiv. :;i sq. 

Caninius G-allus, vi. 12 

Caninius Rebilus, xiii. 30 

Oanninefates, iv. 73 ; xi. 18 

Canopus, ii. 60 

Oapito : vid. Ateius, Cossutianus. 
Fonteius, Iusteius, Luoilius, Valerius 

Capitoline, xv. 18 



Capitol, iii. 36; vi. 12; xi. 23: xii. 

24, 42 sq., 64; xiv. 13, 61 ; xv. 23, 

36, 44, 71, 74 
Cappadocia, ii. 42, 56, 60; xii. 49; 

xiii. 8, 35; xiv. 26; xv. 6, 12, 17 
Capreae, iv. 67 ; vi. 1 sq., 10, 20 
Capua, iv. 57; xiii. 31 
Caratacus, xii. 33-36, 38, 10 
Carenes, xii. 12-14 
Carmanii, vi. 36 
Carrinas Celer, xiii. 10 

— Secundus, xv. 45 
Oarsidius Sacerdos, iv. 13; vi. 48 
Cartimandua, xii. 36, 40 
Casperius, xii. 45 sq. ; xv. 5 
Caspia via, vi. :;:; 

Cassia familia, xii. 12 

— lex, xi. 25 
Cassii, vi. 2 

Cassius Asclepiodotus, xvi. 33 

— Chaerea, i. 32 

— Longinus, L., vi. 15, 45 

— Severus, i. 72; iv. 21 

Cassius, C. (tyrannicide), i. 2, 10; 

ii. 43 ; iii. 76 ; iv. 34 sq. ; xvi. 7 
Cassius, C. (jurist), xii. 11 sq. ; xiii. 41, 

48; xiv. 42-45; xv. 52; xvi. 7-9. 

22 
Cassius (actor), i. 73 

— Private soldier, xv. 66 
Cato (Censorius), iii. 66; iv. 56 

— (Oticensis), iii. 76: iv. 34; xvi. 22 
Cato, Porcius (informer), iv. 68 
Oatonius Iustus, i. 29 

Catualda, ii. 62 sq. 

Catullus, iv. 34 

Catus, Decianus, xiv. 32, 38 

— Vid. Firmius 
Caudine Forks, xv. 13 
Ceangi?, xii. 32 
Oecrops, xi. 14 
Celenderis, ii. 80 

Celer : vid. Carrinas, Domitiu 

Egnatius, Propertius 
Celer, P., xiii. 1, 33 

— Engineer of Nero, xv. 12 
Celsus (Roman knight), vi. 14 

— , Iulius (military tribune), vi. 9, 14 
— , Marius, xv. 25 
Cenchreus (river), iii. 61 
Oercina (island), i. 53; iv. 13 
Ceres, ii. 49 ; xv. 44, 53 

— Cereales circenses, xv. 74 
Oerialis : rid. Anicius 

— Cerialis, Petilius, xiv. 32 sq. 



406 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Cervarius Proculus, xv. 50, 66, 71 
Ostius, 0. (cos. 35 A.D.), iii. 3G; vi. 

7, 31 
Ccstius Callus, xv. 25 
Oestius Proculus, xiii. 30 
Cethegus Labeo, iv. 73 

— Vid. Cornelius 
Ghalcedon, iii. 63 

Ohaldaeans, ii. 27; iii. 22; vi. 20; 

xii. 22, 52, 68; xiv. 9; xvi. 14 
Chamavi, xiii. 55 
Charicles, vi. 50 
Chariovalda, ii. 11 
Chatti, i. 55 sq.; ii. 7, 25, 41, 88; 

xi. 16; xii. 27 sq. ; xiii. 56 ■«</. 
Ohauci, i. 38, 60 ; ii. 17, 24; xi. I8sq.; 

xiii. 55 
Cherusci, i. 56, 59 sq., 64; ii. 9, 1). 

16 sq., 17, 19. 26, 41, 44-10; xi. 

1 6 sq. ; xii. 28 ; xiii. 55 sq. 
Christians, xv. 44 

— Ohristus, ib. 
Oibyra, iv. 13 
Oicero, iv. 34 
Cietae, vi. 41 : xii. 55 

Oilicia, Cilicians, ii. 42, 58, 78, 80; 

iii. 48; vi. 31; xii. 55; xiii. S, 33; 

xvi. 21 
Gilo, Iunius, xii. 21 
Oincia lex, xi. 5 ; xiii. 1L' 

— rogatio, xv. 20 
Oingonius Varro, xiv. 45 
Oinithii, ii. 52 

Cinna, i. 1 
I lirta, iii. 74 
Olanis, i. 79 
Clarius : vid. Apollo 
Classicianus, Iulius, xiv. 38 
Claudia Pulchra, iv. 52, 66 

— Quinta, iv. 64 

— Silana, vi. 20, 45 
Claudia domus, vi. 8 

— familia, i. 4, etc. 

— gens, vi. 51 : xv. 23 

— Olaudiale flamonium, xiii. 2 
Claudii, ii. 43 ; iii. 5 ; iv. 9, 64 ; xii. 

25; xiii. 17 
Claudius, i. 1, 54; iii. 2 sq., 18, 29; 

iv. 31 ; vi. 32, 46; xi. -xii. passim; 

xiii. 2 sq., 26, 28, 31 ; xiv. 18, 31, 

56, 63; xv. 53; xvi. 12 
Claudius Demianus, xvi. 10 
— ■ Senecio, xiii. 12; xv. 50, 56 sq., 70 

— Timarchus, xv. 20 

— See also Drusus, Marcellus, Nero 



Clemency, altar of, iv. 74 
Clemens," Iulius, i. 23, 26, 28 

— Salienus, xv. 73 

— (slave of Agrippa Postumus), ii. 39 
sq. 

Cleonicus, xv. 45 

Cleopatra (concubine of Claudius), xi. 

30 
Clodius, P., xi. 7 

— Quirinalis, P. Palpellius, xiii. 30 
Olutorius Priscus, iii. 49-51 
Cluvidienus Quietus, xv. 71 
Cluvius Rufus, xiii. 20; xiv. 2 
Cocceius : vid. Nerva 
Coelaletae, iii. 38 

Coeranus. xiv. 59 
Coeus, xii. 61 
Pole his, vi. 34 
Colophon, ii. 54 
Cominius, C, iv. 31 
Commagene, ii. 42, 56; xv. 12 
Concordia, ii. 32 
Considius (ex-praetor), v. 8 

— Aequus, iii. 37 

— Proculus, vi. 18 
Corbulo, Domitius, iii. 31 

— , Cn. Domitiu> (general of Claudius 
and Nero), xi. 18-20; xiii. 8 sq., 
34-39, 41; xiv. 23, 25 sq.. 29, ">S ; 
xv. 1, 3-6, 8-11, 13, 16 sq., 25 sq., 
28-31 

Corcyra, iii. 1 

Cordus : vid. Cremutius, Iulius 

Corma (river), ii. 14 

Cornelia Cossa, xv. 22 

Cornelius (accuser of Scaurus), vi. 29 
sq. 

Cornelius Cethegus (cos. 24 A.D.), iv. 
17 

— Cossus (cos. 25 a.il). iv. 34 

— His son (cos. 60 A. I).), xiv. 20 

— Dolabella, iii. 47, 69; iv. 23 sq., 
26, 66; xi. 22 

— Flaccus, xiii. 39 

— Lupus, xiii. 43 

— Marcellus, xvi. 8 

— Martialis, xv. 71 

— Merula, iii. 58 

— Orhtus (cos. 51 A.D., xii. 41 : xvi. 
12 

— Sulla (removed from the senate), ii. 
48 

— Sulla (nepltew of Mamercus 
Scaurus), iii. 31 

— Sulla Felix (cos. 33 A.D.), vi. 15 

4° 7 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Cornelius Sulla Felix (tfte dictator), i. 1 ; 
ii. 48, 66 ; iii. 22, 27, 62 ; iv. 56 ; vi. 
46; xi. 22; xii. 23, 60, 62 

— Sulla Felix (cos. 52 A.D., son-in-law 
of Claudius), xli. 52; xiii. 23, 47; 
xiv. 57, 59 

Ooruncanii, xi. 24 

Oorvinus : via". Messala 

Corvus : vid. Valerius 

Cos, ii. 75 ; iv. 14 ; xii. 61 

Cosa, ii. 39 

Cossi, xv. 22 

Cossutianus Capito, xi. 6; xiii. 33; 

xiv. 48; xvi. 17, 21 sq., 26, 28, 33 
Cotta, L., iii. 66 

— Messalinus : vid. Aurelius 

Cotys (of Thrace), ii. 04-67 ; iii. 38 ; 
iv. 5 

— Of Lesser Armenia, xi. 9 

— Of Bosporus, xii. 15, 18 
Crassus (the triumvir), i. 1 ; ii. 2 

— See also Liciuius 
Oremutius Coruus, iv. 34 sq. 
Crepereius Gal lus, xiv. 5 

Crete, Cretans, iii. 26; iii. 38, 03; xiii. 

30 ; xv. 20 
Creticus Silanus, ii. 4, 43 
Crispinus Caepio, i. 74 

— Vid. Rufrius 
Oruptorix, iv. 73 
Otesiphon, vi. 42 
Cumae, xv. 46 ; xvi. 19 
Cumanus : vid. Ventidius 
Curiae Yeteres, xii. 24 
Curio, C, xi. 7 
Curtilius Mancia, xiii. 56 
Curtisius, T., iv. 27 

Ourtius Atticus, iv. 58 ; vi. 10 

— Mont anus, xvi. 28 sq., 33 

— Rufus, xi. 20 sq. 

— Severus, xii. 55 
0usu3 (river), ii. 63 
Outius Lupus, iv. 27 
Cyclades, ii. 55 ; v. 10 
Cyclopes, iii. 61 
Cyme, ii. 47 

Cynic School, xvi. 34 
Cyprus, iii. 62 
Cyrrus, ii. 57 
Cyrus, iii. 62 ; vi. 31 
Cythnus, iii. 69 
Oyzicus, iv. 36 

Dahae, ii. 3 ; xi. 8, 10 
Dandarica, xii. 16 



Dandaridae, xii. 15 
Danube, ii. 63; iv. 5; xii. 30 
Darius I., Iii. 03 

— Darius III. (Codomantms), xii. 13 
Davara (hill), vi. 41 

Decangi?, xii. 32 
Decrius, iii. 20 

— Calpurnianus, xi. 35 

Delmatia, ii. 53; iv. 5; xii. 52 (vi. 

37 ; iii. 9) 
Delos, iii. 01 
Delphi, ii. 54 
Deniaratus, xi. 14 
Demetrius, xvi. 34 sq. 
Demonax, xi. 9 
Densus, Iulius, xiii. 10 
Denter : vid. Romulius 
Dentbaliates ager, iv. 43 
Diales, iii. 58, 71 ; iv. 16 
Diana, iii. 61, 62 (" Leuarphryne" and 

" Persica "), 63 ; iv. 43 (" Lvmnatis "). 

55; xii. 8 
Didius Gallus, A., xii. 15, 40; xiv. 29 
Dido, xvi. 1 
Didvmus, vi. 24 
Dii.'iii. 38 
Dinis, iv. 50 

Dolabella: ltd. Cornelius 
Domitia : vid. Lepida 
Domitian, xi. 11 

1. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cn. 
(father of Nero), iv. 75; vi. 1, 45, 47 
sq. ; xii. 3, 64; xiii. 10 

2. Domitius Ahenobarbus, L. 
(father of the above), i. 03; iv. 
44 

3. Domitius Ahenobarbus, L. 
vid. Nero 

Domitius Afer, iv. 52, 66; xiv. 19 

— Balbus, xiv. 40 

— Oaecilianus, xvi. 34 

— Celer, ii. 77-79 

— Pollio, ii. 86 

— Silus, xv. 59 

— Statius, zv. 71 

— See also Corbulo 
Donusa, iv. 30 
Doryphorus, xiv. 65 
Druids, xiv. 30 

Drusi, i. 28 ; iv. 7 : xi. 35 

Drusilla, vi. 15 

1. Drusus (brother of Tiberius), i. 
3, 33, 41, 56 ; ii. 7, 8 (" Drusiana 
fossa"), 41, 82; iii. 5; iv. 72; vi. 
51 ; xii. 29 ; xiii. 53 



408 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



2. Drusus (son of Tiberius), i. 14. 
24-30, 47, 52, 54 sq., 76; ii. 26. 
42-44, 46, 51, 53, 62, 64, 82, 84; 
iii. 2 sq., 7 sq., 11 sq., 18 sq., 22 sq., 
29, 31, 34, 36 sq., 47, 49, 56, 59, 75; 
iv. 3 sq., 7-10, 12, 15, 36, 40; vi. 9, 
27; xiii. 32, 43, 53; xiv. 57 

3. Drusus (son of Oermanicus), iv. 
4, 8, 17, 36, 60; v. 10; vi. 23 sq., 
27, 40 46 

Drusus, Livius, iii. 27 

— See also Libo 
Ducenius Geminus, xv. 18 
Duilius, C, ii. 49 

Ecbatana, xv. 31 

Edessa, xii. 12 

Egnatia MaximiUa, xv. 71 

Egnatii (= Egnatius Rufus), i. 10 

— Egnatius Celer, P., xvi. 32 
Egypt, ii. 59 sq., 67, 69, 85; iv. 5; 

v. 10; vi. 28; xi. 14; xii. 43, 60; 

xiii. 22; xv. 26, 36 
Elbe, i. 59; ii. 14, 19, 22, 41 ; iv. 44 
Elephantine, ii. 61 
Elymaei, vi. 44 
Ems, i. 60, 63 ; ii. 8, 23 
Ennia, vi. 45 
Ennius, L., iii. 70 
— . M\, i. 38 
Epaphroditus, xv. 55 
Ephesus, Ephesians, iii. 61 ; iv. 55 ; 

xvi. 23 
Epicharis, xv. 51, 57 
Epidaphne, ii. 83 
Eprius Marcellus, xii. 4; xiii. 33; 

xvi. 22, 26, 28 sq., 33 
Erato, ii. 4 
Erindes ?, xi. 10 
Erycus (Eryx), iv. 43 
Erythrae, vi. 12 
Esquiliae, xv. 40 

— Esquiline Gate, ii. 32 

Etruria, ii. 39; iv. 5, 55; xi. 15, 24 

Etruscans, xi. 14 

Euboea, ii. 54 ; v. 10 

Eucaerus, xiv. 60 

Eudemus, iv. 3, 11 

Eunones, xii. 15, 18 sqq. 

Euodus, xi. 37 

Euphrates, ii. 58; iv. 5; vi. 31, 37; 

xii. 11; xiii 7; xiv. 25; xv. 3, 7, 9 

12, 16 sq., 26 
Europe, xii. 63 
Evander, xi. 14 ; xv. 41 



Fabatus : vid. Rubrius 
Fabius Maxinius, i. 5 

— Paulus (cos. 34 A.D.), vi. 28 

— Romanns, xvi. 17 

— Rusticus xiii. 20 ; xiv. 2 ; xv. 61 
Pabricii, ii. 33 

Fabric ius Veiento, xiv. 50 

Faenius Rufus, xiii. 22; xiv. 51, 57; 

xv. 50, 53, 58, 61, 66, 68 ; xvi. 12 
Falanius, i. 73 
Favonii, xvi. 22 
Fecunditas (temple of), xv. 23 
Felix : vid. Antonius 
Ferentinum, xv. 53 
P'estus, Marc ius, xv. 50 
Fidena(e), iv. 62 
Firmius Catus, ii. 27, 30; iv. 31 
Flaccus : vid. Cornelius, Pomponius, 

Vescularius 
Flaminian Way, iii. 9 ; xiii. 47 
Flavius Nepos, xv. 71 

— Scaevinus, xv. 49, 53-55, 70 

— See also Vespasian 
Flavus, ii. 9 sq. ; xi. 16 

— See also Subrius, Vergiuius 
Flevum, iv. 72 

Flora, ii. 49 
Florentini, i. 79 
Floras : vid. Iulius 
Fonteius Agrippa, ii. 30, 86 

— Oapito, iv. 36 

— Capito (son of the foregoing ; cos. 59 
A.D.), xiv. 1 

Formiae, xv. 46 ; xvi. 10 

Fors Fortuna, ii. 41 

Fortuna, iii. 71 ; xv. 53 

Forum Iulium, ii. 63; iv. 5 

Frisii, i. 60; i v. 72-74; xi. 19; xiii. 54 

Fronto : 'id. Vibius 

Fucinus lac us, xii. 56 sq. 

Fufius Geminus (cos. 29 A.D.), v. 1 sq. ; 

vi. 10 
Fulcinius Trio, ii. 28, 30; iii. 10, 13, 

19; v. 11; vi. 4, 38 
Fundani montes, iv. 59 
Funisulanus Vettonianus, xv. 7 
Furies, xiv. 30 

1. Furius Camillus, M. proconsul 
of Africa), ii. 52; iii. 20 

2. Furius Scribonianus Camiilus, 
M. (son of the above, cos. 32 A.D.), 
vi. 1 ; xii. 52 

3. Furius Scribonianus Oanullus, 
M. (son of the above), xii. 52 

Furnius, iv. 52 

409 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Gabine stone, xv. 43 

Gaetulicus : rid. Leutulin 

Gaits Caesar (Caligula), i. 3, 32, 41, 
69 ; iv. 71 ; v. 1 ; vi. 3, 5, 9, 20, 32, 45 
sq., 48, 50; xi. 1, 3, 8, 29; xii. 22; 
xiii. 1, 3; xt. 72; xvi. 17 

Galaria, Galatians, xiii. 35 : iv. 6 

1. Galba, Ser. (orator of the 2nd 
cent. B.C.), iii. 66 

2. Galba, C. Sulpicius (cos. 22 
A.D.), iii. 52; vi. 40 

3. Galba, Ser. Sulpicius (em- 
peror, younger brother of 2), iii. 55; 
vi. 15, 20 

Galilaeans, xii. 54 

Galla, Satria, xv. 59 

— , Sosia, iv. 19 sq., 52 

i i-allio : rid. Iunius 

Gallus : rid. Aelius, Asinius, Caninius, 

Grepereius, Glitius, 'i'ogonius, Vip- 

stanus 
Gallus, P., xvi. 12 
• lannascus, xi. 18 sq. 
« raramantians, iii. 74 ; ir. 23, 26 
Gaul, Gauls, i. 31, 33 sq., 36, et saepius 

— Gallia Comata, xi. 23 

— Narbonensis, ii. 63 ; xi. 24 ; xii. 23 ; 
xiv. 57 : xri. 13 

'favius Silv»nus, xv. 50, 60, 71 

Gellius Publicola, iii. 67 

Geminius, vi. 14 

Geminus : rid. Atidius, Ducennius, 

Fufius, Rubellius, Tullius 
Gemonian Stairs, iii. 14; v. 9 ; vi. 25 
Gerellanus, xv. 69 
Germany, Germans, i. 3, 24, 43, 47, 50, 

51, etc., etc. 

— German bodyguard of emperors, i. 
24; xiii. 18; xv. 58 

Germanicus Caesar, i.-ii. passim; 
iii. 1 sq., 5, 8, 10-14, 16-19, 40, 49, 
56; i v. 1, 3 sq., 8 sq., 15, 17 sq., 31, 
53, 57, 58, 69, 75; v. 1, 4, 10; vi. 7, 
15, 20. 31, 46, 51 ; xi. 12 ; xii. 1 sq., 
25 ; xiii. 42, 55 ; xiv. 7 

— Germanic i, xiv. 64 
Geta : rid. Lugius 
Getae, iv. 44 

Glitius Gallus, xv. 56, 71 
Gorneae, xii. 45 

Gotarzes, xi. 8-10; xii. 10, 13 sq. 
Gotones, ii. 62 

Gracchi (" turbatores plebis "), iii. 27 
1. Gracchus, Sempronius, i. 53; 
iv. 13 

410 



2. Gracchus, 0. Sempronius (son 
of the ahore), iv. 13; vi. 16, 38 

3. Gracchus (praetor — possibly 
identical with 2), vi. 16 

Gracilis : vid. Aelius 
Granius, Q., iv. 21 

— Marcellus, i. 74 

— Marcianus, vi. 38 
Graptus, xiii. 47 
Gratianus, Tarius, vi. 38 

Greece, Greeks, ii. 2, 53, 59, 60. 64, 
88; iv. 35. 38, 58, 67: iv. 55; 
v. 10; vi. 28; xi. 14; xii. 63; xiv. 
59 

Gyarus, iii. 08 : iv. 30 

Gymnasium (of Nero), xiv. 47 ; xv. 22 

Hadria, Hadriaticum mare, xv. 34; 

ii. 53 
llaemus, iii. 38 ; iv. 51 
Halicarnassus. iv. 55 
Halotus. xii. 66 
Halus, vi. 41 

1. Haterius, Q. (the orator), i. 13; 
ii. 33; iii. 57; iv. 61 

2. Haterius Agrippa, D. (son of 
the abore), i. 77; ii. 51; iii. 49, 51 
sq. ; vi. 4 

3. Haterius Antoninus, Q. (son of 
the abore, cos. 53 A.D.), xii. 53; 
xiii. 34 

Heliopolis, vi. 28 
Helios, xiii. 1 

Helvidius Priscus (legatus legionis), 
xii. 49 

— (tribunus pi.) xiii. 28 

— (son-in-latc of Thrasea), xvi. '.'8 *{., 
33, 35 

Helvius Rufus, iii. 21 

Heniochi, ii. 68 

Herculeius, xiv. 8 

Hercules (German), ii. 12; (Egyptian), 

ii. 60; (Parthian), xii. 13; (Graeco- 

Roman), iii. 61 ; iv. 38, 43 ; xii. 24 ; 

xv. 41 
Hercynian Forest, ii. 45 
Hermunduri, ii. 63; xii, 29 sq. ; xiii. 

57 
Hiberi (Caucasian), iv. 5; vi. 33-36; 

xi. 8, 9 ; xii. 44, 46, 50 sq. ; xiv. 23 
Hibernia, xii. 32 
Hiero, vi. 42 sq. 
Hierocaesaria, ii. 47 ; iii. 62 
Hirtius, A., i. 10 
Hispo Romanus, i. 74 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Hister : vid. Palpellius 
Homonadenses, iii. 48 
Hortaliis, M., ii. 37 sq. 
Hortensiu.<, M., ii. 37 sq. 
Hostilius, L'ullus, iii. 26 ; vi. 11 ; xii. 8 
Hypaepeni, iv. 55 

Hyrcauia, Hyrcauians, vi. 36, 43 ; 
xi. 8*7. ; xiii. 37; xiv. 25; xv. 1 sq. 

— Hyrcani Macedones, ii. 47 

Ianus, ii. 49 

laso (" Jason "), vi. "4 

lazyges, xiii. 29 sq. 

Iceni. xii. 31 sq. ; xiv. 31 

Idisiaviso?, ii. 16 

Ilium, Ilienses, ii. 54; iv. 55; vi. 12; 

xii. 58 
Illvricum, i. 5, 46, 52 ;, ii. 44, 53 : iii. 7. 

11, 34; xv. 26; xvi. 13 
In. his : rid. Iulius 
Inguiomerus, i. 60, 68; ii. 17, 21, 45 

sq. 
[osteins Capito, xiii. 9, 39 
Insubres, xi. 23 
Interamnates, i. 79 
Ionian Sea, ii. 53 
Isauricus, P. Servilius, iii. 62 
Italicus (Cheruscari), xi. 16 sq. 
Italy, i. 34, 47, 71, 79 and passim. 
Ituraea, xii. 23 

Iturius, xiii. 19, 21 sq. ; xiv. 12 
Iuba, iv. 5, 23 
Iudaea, xii. 54 
Iulia domus, vi. 8 

— familia, i. 8 ; vi. 51 ; xii. 2 ; xiv. 22 

— gens, ii. 41, 83; iv. 9; xv. 23 

— stirps, xii. 58 

Iulia Augusta : vid. Livia 

1. Iulia (daughter of Augustus), 1 . 
53; iii. 24; iv. 44; vi. 51 

2. Iulia (gramUiaugliter of Augus- 
tus), iii. 24; iv. 71 

3. Iulia (daughter of Drums), iii. 
29; vi. 27; xiii. 32, 43 

4. Iulia (daughter of Germanicus), 
ii. 54; vi. 15; xiv. 63 

Iuliae leges, ii. 50 ; iii. 25 ; iv. 42 ; 

xv. 20 
Iulius : vid. Africanus, Agrippa, 

Caesar, Floras, Indus, Sacrovir, 

Vindex 
Iulius Altinus, xv. 71 

— Aquila, xii. 15, 21 

— Augurinus, xv. 50 

— Celsus, vi. 9 



Iulius Olassicianus, xiv. 38 

— Clemens, i. 23, 26, 28 

— Densus, xiii. 10 

— Marinus, vi. 10 

— Montanus, xiii. 25 

— Paelignus, xii. 49 

— Pollio, xiii. 15 

— Postumus ,iv. 12 
Iulius : vid. Antonius 
funcus Yergilianus, xi. 35 
lunia familia, iii. 24, 69; xv. 35 
Ionia (sister of M. Brutus), iii. 7H 

— Calvina, xii. 4, 8 ; xiv. 12 

— Silana, xi. 12; xiii. 19, 21 s</.; 
xiv. 12 

— See also Torquata 
lunius (necromancer), ii. 28 

— (senator), iv. 64 

— Gallio (adoptive father of Seneca's 
brother), vi. 3 

— Gallio (adopted son of the above), xv. 
73 

— Lupus, xii. 42 

— Marullus, xiv. 48 

— Otho (praetor), iii. 66 

— Otho (tr. pi.), vi. 47 

— See also Blaesus, Oilo, Rusticus, 
Silanus 

lunius (the month), xvi. 12 

I unn, iv. 14; xv. 44 

[uppiter, i. 73; ii. 22, 32; iii. til sq.; 

iv. 56 sq. ; vi. 25 ; xiii. 24 ; xv. 64 ; 

xvi. 35 

— Capitolinus, xv. 23 

— Liberator, xv. 64 ; xvi. 35 

— Salaminius, iii. 62 

— Stator, xv. 41 

— Vindex, xv. 74 

Iuvenalia, xiv. 15; xv. 33; xvi. 21 
Izates, xii. 13 sq. 

Labeo : vid. Antistius, Ascouius, 

Cethegus, Pomponius, Titidius 
Lacedaemonians, iv. 43 ; xi. 24 
Laco, vi. 18 

Laecanius, C. (cos. 64 A.D.), xv. 33 
Laelia, xv. 22 
Laelius Balbus, vi. 47 sq. 
Laenas : vid. Vipsanius 
Lamia : vid. Aelius 
Langobardi, ii. 45 sq.; xi. 17 
Lanuvium, iii. 48 
Laodicea (Phrygia), iv. 55; xiv. 27 

— (Syria), ii. 79 
Lares, xii. 24 

411 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Largus : vid. Oaecina 

Lateranus : vid. Plautius 

Latinae feriae, iv. 36; vi. 11 

Latinius Latiaris, iv. 68 sq. ; vi. 4 

— Pandusa, ii. 66 

Latium, iv. 5; xi. 23; xv. 32 

Latona, iii. 61 ; xii. 61 

Legerda, xiv. 25 

Lentinus, Terentius, xiv. 40 

1. Lentulus, Cn. Cornelius ("Au- 
gur," cos. 14 B.C.), iii. 59 

2. Lentulus, Cn. Cornelius (cos. 
18 B.C.), i. 27 ; ii. 32 ; iii. 68 ; iv. 
29. 44 

3. Lentulus Gaetulicus, Cn. Corn- 
elius, iv. 42, 46 ; vi. 30 

1 . Lepida, Aemilia (great-grand- 
daughter of Sulla and Pompey), iii. 
22-24, 48 

2. Lepida, Aemilia (wife of 
Germanicus' son, Drusus), vi. 40 

3. Lepida, Domitia (mother of 
ilcssalina), xi. 37; xii. 64 sq. 

4. Lepida, Domitia (sister of the 
above; aunt of Nero), xiii. 19, 21 

5. Lepida, Junia (wife of the 
jurist C. Cassius; sister of Junia 
Calvina), xvi. 8 sq. 

1. Lepidus, M. Aemilius (cos. 185 
B.C. and 175 B.C.), ii. 67 

2. Lepidus, M. Aemilius (cos. 78 
B.C.; Father of the triumvir), iii. 
27 

3. Lepidus, M. Aemilius (the 
triumvir), i. 1 sq., 9 sq. 

4. Lepidus, M. Aemilius (cos. 6 
A.D.), ii. 48; iii. 32, 72; vi. 40 

5. Lepidus, 21,. (cos. 11 A.D.), 
i. 13; iii. 11, 22, 35, 50 sq.; iv. 20, 
56; vi. 5, 27. See Sipperdey on 
iii. 32 

6. Lepidus, M. ? (probably son of 
4), xiv. 2 

Leptitani (Lepcitani), iii. 74 
Lesbos, ii. 54 ; vi. 3 
Liber (Bacchus), ii. 49 ; iii. 61 ; iv. 38 
Libera, ii. 49 

1. Libo, L. Scribonius (cos. 16 
AJ>.), ii. 1 

2. Libo, 21. Scribonius Drusus 
(possibly brother of the above), ii. 
27-32; iv. 29, 31; vi. 10 

Libya, ii. 60 

1. Licinius Crassus Frugi, M. 
(cos. 27 A.D.), iv. 62 

412 



2. Licinius Craasu= Frugi. M. 

(cos. 64 A.D. ; second son of the 

above), xv. 33 
Licinius Gabolus, xiv. 12 
Ligurians, xvi. 15 
Ligus, Varius, iv. 42 ; vi. 30 
Linus, xi. 14 
Liris, xii. 'M 

1. Livia (lulia) Augusta {wife of 
Augustus), i. 3, 5 sq., 8, 10, 13 sq., 
33; ii. 14, 34, 43, 77, 82; iii. 15, 
17 sq., 34, 64, 71; iv. 8, 12, 16, 
21 sq., 57, 71; v. 13; vi. 5, 26, 29; 
xii. 69 

2. Livia (sister of Germanicus: 
cousin and irife of Tiberius' son, 
Drusus), ii. 43, 84; iv. 3, 10, 12, 
39 sq., 60 ; vi. 2, 29 

Livii, v. 1 

— Livia familia, vi. 51 
Livineius Regulus, iii. 11 

— His son?, xiv. 17 
Livy, xiv. 34 
Locusta, xii. 66 ; xiii. 15 

Lollia Paulina, xii. 1 sq.. 22; xiv. 12 
Lollius Paulinus, M'. (grandfather of 
the above), i. 10 ; iii. 48 

— Her father, xii. 1 
London, xiv. 33 
Longinus : vid. Cassius 

Lucan, xv. 49, 56 sq., 70 sq. ; xvi. 

17 
Lucania, xi. 24 
Luccius Telesinus, C. (cos. 66 A.D.), 

xvi. 14 
Luciliua (centurion), 1. 23 

— Capito, iv. 15 

— Longus, iv. 15 
Lucretius, Sp., vi. 11 
Lucrine Lake, xiv. 5 
Luculli, xv. 14 

Lucullus, L., iv. 36; vi. 50; xi. 1; 
xii. 62; xiii. 34; xv. 27 

— Gardens of, xi. 1, 32, 37 
Lugdunum, iii. 41 ; xvi. 13 
Lugii, xii. 29 sq. 

Luna, temple of, xv. 41 
Lupia (Lippe), i. 60; ii. 7 
Lurius Varus, xiii. 32 
Lusitania, xiii. 46 
Lusius Geta, xi. 31, 33 ; xii. 42 

— Saturninus, xiii. 43 
Lycia, ii. 60, 79 ; xiii. 33 
Lycurgus, iii. 20 
Lydia, iii. 61 ; iv. 55 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Lydus, iv. 55 
Lygdus, iv. 8, 10 sq. 

Macedonia, Macedonians, i, 76, 80; 

ii. 47, 55; iii. 38, 61; iv. 43, 55; 

v. 10; vi. 28, 31, 41; xii. 62 
Macer, Pompeius, vi. 18 
Macrina, Pompeia, vi. 18 
Macro, Naevius Sertorius, vi. 15, 23. 

29, 38, 45-48, 50 
Maecenas, i. 54; iii. 30; vi. 11; xiv. 

53, 55; xv. 39 
Magius Caecilianus, iii. 37 
Magnesia (ad Maeandrum), iii. 62; 

iv. 55 

— (a Sipylo), ii. 47 
Maius (month), xvi. 12 
Mallovendus, ii. 25 
Malorix, xiii. 54 
Maluginensis : vid. Servius 
Mamercus : vid. Scaurus 
Mammiua Pollio, xii. 9 
Manlii, iii. 76 

— Manlius, ii. 50 
Manlius Valens, xii. 40 

Marcellus, M. Claudius, i. 3, 74 ; 
ii. 41; iii. 64; vi. 51 

— See also Aeserninus, Asinius, Cor- 
nelius, Eprius, Granius 

Marcia, i. 5 

Marcius, P. (astrologer), ii. 32 

— Festus, xv. 50 

— Numa (father of Ancus Marcius), 
vi. 11 

— Rex, Q., xiv. 22 

— See also Philippua 
Marcomani, ii. 46, 62 
Mardi, xiv. 23 
Marius, 0., i. 9 ; xii. 60 

— P., (cos. 62 AJX), xiv. 48 
— , Sex., iv. 36; vi. 19 

— Celsus, xv. 25 

— Nepos, ii. 48 

Maroboduus ii. 26, 44-46, 62 sj., SS ; 

iii. 11 
Mars, ii. 22, 32; xiii. 57 

— Plamens of, iii. 58 

— Ultor, ii. 64; iii. 18; xiii. 8 
Marsi, i. 50, 56 ; ii. 25 
Marsus : vid. Vibiu3 
Martina, ii. 74; iii. 7 

Martius, Campus, i. 8; iii. 4; xiii. 17, 

31 ; xv. 39 
Marus (river), ii. 63 
Massilia, xiii. 47; xiv, 57 (iv. 43 sq.) 



Mater, Deum, iv. 64 

Matius, 0., xii. 60 

Mattiacus, ager, xi. 20 

Mattium, i. 66 

Mauri, ii. 52; iv. 5; 23 sq.; xiv. 28 

Maximilla : vid. Egnatia 

Maximus : vid. Oaesennius, Fab us, 

Sanquinius, Scaurus, Trebellius 
Mazippa, ii. 52 
Medea, vi. 34 
Media, Medes, ii. 4, 56, 60; vi. 34; 

xii. 14; xiii. 41; xiv. 26; xv. 2, 

31 
Megalesian Games, iii. 6 
Melierdates, xi. 10; xii. 10-14 
Mela : vid. Annaeus 
Melitene, xv. 26 
Memmius Regulos (cos. 31 A.D.), v. 11; 

vi. 4; xii. 22; xiv. 47 
Memnon, ii. 61 
Menelaus, ii. 60 
Mercurius (Wuotan), xiii. 57 
Morula : vid. Apidius, Cornelius 
Mesopotamia, vi. 36 sq., 44 ; xii. 12 

1. Messala Oorvinus, M. Valerius 
(the orator; cos . with Augustus, 31 
B.C.), iii. 34; iv. 34; vi. 11; xi. 6 
sq. ; xiii. 34 

2. — , M. Valerius (son of 1 ; cos. 
3 B.C.; identical with Valerius 
Messalinus, iii. 18, 34); i. 8 

3. Messala, M. Valerius (cos. 29 
A.D. ; son of 2), iii. 2 

4. Messala, M. Valerius (cos. 58 
A.D. ; grandson of 2), xiii. 34 

— See also Volesus 

Messalina, Valeria, xi. 1, 12, 26, 29-32, 
34-38; xii. 1, 7, 9, 42, 65; xiii. 11, 
19, 32, 43 

— Statilia, xv. 68 
Messalinus, Gotta: vid. Aurelius 

— Valerius : vid. Messala 2 
Messenians, iv. 43 
Metellus, L., iii. 71 

Miletus, Milesians, ii. 54 ; iii. 63 ; iv. 

43, 55 
Milichus, xv. 54 sq., 59, 71 
Minerva, xiii. 24; xiv. 12 
Minos, iii. 26 
Minucius Thermus, vi. 7 

— His son ?, xvi. 20 

Misenum, iv. 5; vi. 50; xiv. 3 sq., 9, 
62; xv. 46, 51 

1. Mithridates (the Great), ii. 55; 
iii. 62, 73 ; iv. 14, 36 

4 13 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



2. Mithridates (of Hiberia), vi. 32 
sq. ; xi. 8 sq. ; xii. 44-48 

3. Mithridates (of Bosporus), xii. 
15-21 

1. Mnester (actor), xi. 4, 36 

2. — (freedman of Agrippina), 

xiv. 9 
Moesia, Moesians, i. 80; ii. 66; iv. 5, 

47 ; vi. 29 ; xv. 6 
MoDa, xiv. 29 
Monaeses, xv. 2, 4 sq. 
Monobazus, xv. 1, 14 
Montauus : vid. Oiirtius, Iulius, 

Traulus, Votienus 
Moors : vid. Mauri 
Mosa (Meuse), ii. 6 ; xi. 20 
Moschi, xiii. 37 
Mosella (Moselle), xiii. 53 
Mosteni, ii. 47 
Mulvian Bridge, xiii. 47 
Muinmius, L., iv. 43 ; xiv. 21 
Miinatius Gratus, xv. 50 
— Plancus, i. 39 
Musa, Aeffiilia, ii. 48 
Musonius Rufus, xiv. 59 ; xv. 71 
Musulamii, ii. 52; iv. 24 
Mutilia Prisca, iv. 12 
Myrina, ii. 47 
Mjtilene, Mytilenean, xiv. 53; vi. IS 

Nabataei, ii. 57 

Naples, xiv. 10; xv. 33; xvi. 10 

Nar, i. 79; iii. 9 

Narcissus, ri. 29 sq., 33-35, 37 sq. ; 

xii. 1 sq., 57, 65; xiii. 1 
Nariiia, iii. 9 
Nasica, Naso, Natalis, Natta : vid. 

Caesius, Valerius, Autonius, Pin- 

arius 
Nauportus, i. 20 
Naxos, xvi. 9 
Nemetes, xii. 27 
Nepos : vid. Flavius, Marius 
Neptune, iii. 63 

1. Nero, Ti. Claudius (father of 

Tiberius), i. 10; v. 1 ; vi. 51 
'X Nero (son of (Jermanicus), ii. 

43; iii. 29; iv. 4, 8, 15, 17, 59 sq., 

«". 70; v. 3 sq.; vi. 27 
3 Nero (emperor), i. 1 ; iv. 53 ; 

vi. J2: xi. 11; xii. 3, 8 sq., 25 sq.. 

41, 58, 64 sq., 68 sq. ; xiii.-xri. 

passim 
Nerones, xi. 35 
Neroneus (April), xv. 74; xvi. 12 

414 



Nerullinus : vid. Suillius 

1. Nerva, M. Ooceeius (grand- 
father of the emperor), iv. 58 ; vi. 26 

2. Nerva, M. Cocceius (the 
emperor), xv. 72 

3. Nerva, P. Silius (cos. 28 A.D.), 
iv. 68 

4. Nerva, A. Licinius Silius (cos. 
65 A..D. ; perhaps son of 3), xv. 48 

Nicephorium, vi. 41 

Xicephorius (river), xv. 4 

Nieopolis. ii. 53 ; v. 10 

Niger : vid. Bruttedius, Veiamus 

Nile, ii. 60 sq. 

Ninos (Nineveh), xii. 13 

Nisibis, xv. 5 

Nola, i. 5, 9 ; iv. 57 

Nonius, On., xi. 22 

Norbanus Flaccus, O. (cos. 15 A.D.. 

i. 55 
Norbanus Balbus, L. (cos. l'J A.D., 

ii. 59 
Noricum, ii. 63 
Novius Priscus, xv. 71 
Nuceria, xiii. 31; xiv. 17 
Numa iii. 26 ; xv. 41 

— See also Marcius 
Numautia, xv. 13 

Xumantina (wife of Silvanus), iv. 22 
Numidians, ii. 52; iii. 21; iv. -:;-25; 

x-vi. 1 
Xymphidius Sabinus, xv. 72 

Obaritus, xiv. 8 

Obultronius Sabinus, xiii. 28 

Occia, ii. 86 

Ocean, i. 63; ii. 6, 8, 15, 23 sq. ; iv. 

72; xi. 20; xiii. 53; xiv. 32, 39; 

xv. 37 

1. Octavia (sister of Augustus), 
iv. 44, 75 

2. Octavia (dauy'nter of Claudius), 
xi. 32, 34; xii. 2 sq., 9, 58, 68; 
xiii. 12, 16, 18 sq. ; xiv. 1, 59-63 

Octavianus Caesar (Augustus), xiii. 6 

Octavii, iv. 44 

Octavius (father of Augustus), i. 9 

— Fronto, ii. 33 

— Sagitta, xiii. 44 
Odrusae, iii. 38 
Olennius, iv. 72 
Ollius, T., xiii. 45 
Oppiae leges, iii. 33 sq. 
Oppius, O, xii. CO 
Opsius, M., iv. 68, 71 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



i »rdovices, xiii. -13 

Ortitus : fid. Cornelius. Paecius 

Ornospades, vi. 37 

Orodes, vi. 33-35 

Ortygia, iii. 61 

Oscan Farce (fab. Atell.). iv. 14 

Ostia, ii. 40; xi. 26, 29, 31; sv. 39; 

xvi. 9 
Ost.ian Marshes, xv. 43 

— Way, xi. 32 

Ostorius Sabinus, xvi. 23, 30, 33 

1. Ostorius Scapula, P., xii. 31, 
35, 38 sq. 

2. Ostorius Scapula, M. (son of 
the above), xii. 31 ; xiv. 48 : xvi. 1 4 sq. 

Otho, L. Salvius (cos. 52 A.D.), xii. 52 

OTHO, M. Salvius (emperor; brother of 

the above), xiii. 12, 45 sq.; xiv. 1 

— See also Iunius 



1'accius Orfitus, xiii. 36; xv. 12 

Pacorus, xv. 2, 14, 31 

Pacuvius, ii. 79 

Paetina : rid. Aelia 

Paetus (" quidam "), xiii. 23 

— See also Oaesenmus, Tlirasea 
Pagyda (river), iii. 20 
Palamedes, xi. 14 

Palatine Hill, xii. 24; xv. 38 
Palatium, i. 37; ii. 34, 37, 40; vi. 

xiv. 61 ; xv. 39, 72 
Pallas, xi. 29, 38; xii. 1 sq., 25, 

65; xiii. 2, 14, 23; xiv. 2, 65 
Palpellius Hister, xii. 29 
Pammenes, xvi. 14 
Pamphylia, ii. 79 
Panda (river), xii. 16 
Pandateria, i. 53 ; xiv. 63 
Pandusa : vid. Latinius 
Pannonia, i. 47; iii. 9; iv. 5; xii 

sq. ; xv. 25 

— Pannonian cavalry, xv. 10 

— legions, i. 16, 31, 52 
Pansa, C. Vibius, i. 10 
Pantuleius, ii. 48 
Paphian Venus, iii. 62 
Papia Poppaea, lex, iii. 25, 28 
Papinius Allenius, Sex. (cos. 36 A 

vi. 40 

— His son, vi. 49 
Papius Mutilus, ii. 32 
Paris, xiii. 19-22, 27 
Parraces, xii. 14 

Parthia, Parthians, ii. 1-1, 56-58, 
vi. 14, 31-35, 41 sq.; xi. 8- 



.D.), 



xii. 10-14, 11 51 : mil 69, 34 H; 

xiv. 23-26; xv. 1-18, 24-31 
Pa^sienus Orispus, 0. (cos. II. 44 A.D.), 

vi. 20 
Patavium, xvi. 21 
Pauli basilica, iii. 72 
Paulina : vid. Lollia, Pompeia 
Paulinus : vid. Pompeius, Suetonius 
Paul us : vid. Aemilius, Pabiua 

— Venetus, xv. 50 
Paxaea, vi. 29 
Pedanius Secundus, xiv. 42 
Pedius : vid. Blaesua 
Pedo Albinovanus, i. 60 
Pelago, xiv. 59 
Peloponnesp. iv. 43; cf. ">.j 
Pelops, iv. 55 

Penates (' populi Romani '), xv. 11 
Percennius, i. 16, 28 sq., 31 
Pergamum, Per^amene, iii. 63 ; iv. 37, 

55 ; xvi. 23 
Perinthus, ii. 54 
Perpenna, M., iii. 62 
Persians, ii. 60; Iii. 61 J vi. 31 ; xii. 13 

— Persian Diana (Anaitis), iii. G-' 
Perusian War, v. 1 

Petilius : vid. Oerialia 

— Rufus, iv. 68 
Petra, xi. 4 

Petronius "Arbiter," T., xvi. 17 -20 
Petronius, P., iii. 49; vi. 45 
Petronius Priscus, xv. 71 
Petronius Turpilianus, P. (cos. 61 

A.D.), xiv. 29, 39; xv. 72 
Pharasmanes, vi. 32-35; xi. 8 sq.; 

xii. 44-48; xiii. 37; xiv. 26 
Pharsalia, xiv. 44 
Philadelphenes, ii. 47 
Philippi, battle and plain of, iii. 76; 

iv. 35 
Philippopolis, iii. 38 
Philip (of Macedonia), ii. 63 ; iii. 38 ; 

iv. 43 
Philippus, L. Marcius, iii. 72 
Philopator (of Cilicia), ii. 42 
Phoebus (freedman), xvi. 5 
Phoenicians, xiv. 14 

— Phoenissa (Dido), xvi. 1 

1. Phraates, iv. (of Parthia), ii. 
1 sq.; vi. 31, 37; xii. 10 

2. Phraates (son of the above; 
Roman nominee for the throne of 
Parthia), vi. 31 sq. ; xi. 10 

3. Phraates (Parthian satra/> , vi. 
42 sq, 

415 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Phrixus, vi. 34 
Picenum, iii. 9 
Pilat> , Pontius, xv. 44 
Pinarius Natta, iv. 34 
Piraeus, v. 10 

1. Piso, On. Calpurnius {antago- 
nist of Germanicus), i. 13, 74, 79; 
ii. 35, 43, 65, 57 sq., 69-71. 73, 75, 
77-82; iii. 7-11, 13-18, 24; vi. 26 

— Bis father, ii. 43 

2. Piso, M. Calpurnius (son of 1), 
ii. 76, 78; iii. 16-18 

3. Piso, Gn. Calpurnius (son of 1 ; 
praenomen changed to L. ; cos. 27 
A.D.), iii. L6 sq. ; iv. 62 

4. Piso, L. Calpurnius (brother of 
1, cos. 1 B.C.), ii. 32, 34; iii. 11, 68; 
iv. 21 

5. Piso, L. Calpurnius (pontifex 
and praef. urbi), vi. 10 sq. 

6. Piso, \j. Calpurnius (possibly 
son of 5 ; murdered in Spain), iv. 45 

7. Piso, L. Calpurnius (son of 3), 
xiii. 28, 31 ; xv. IS 

8. Piso, C. Calpurnius (parentage 
uncertain; conspirator against Xero), 
xiv. 65 ; xv. 48. 50, 52 sq., 55 sq., 
59-61, 65 

Pituanius, L., ii. 32 

Pius : vid. Aureliua 

Placentia, xv. 47 

Planasia, i. 3, 5 ; ii. 39 

Plaucina (wife of Piso 1), ii. 43, 55, 

57 sq., 71, 74 sq., 80, 82; iii. 9, 13. 

15-18; vi. 26 
Plancus : vid. Munatius 

1. Plautius Silvanus, M. (praetor), 
iv. 22 

2. Plautius Silvanus, Q. (cos. 36 
A.D. ; brother of 1). vi. 40 

3. Plautius Silvanus, A. (leader 
of the expedition to Britain in 43 
A.D. ; brother of 1 and 2), xiii. 32 : 
see also xi. 36 

4. Plautius Lateranus (nephew of 
3 ; lover of Messalina ; implicated in 
the Pisonian conspiracy), xi. 36: 
xiii. 11 ; xv. 49, 53, 60 

Plautus : vid. Rubellius 

Pliny (the Elder), i. 69 ; xiii. 20 ; xv. 53 

Poeni, ii. 49, 59 ; xvi. 1 

Poenius Postumus, xiv. 37 

1. Polemo I (of Pontus), ii. 56 

2. Polemo II son of the above), 
xiv. 26 



Pollio : rid. Annius, A Bin ins, Caelius, 
Dornitius, Iulius, Mammius, Vedius, 
Vinicianus 

Pollitta : vid. Antistia 

Polyclitus, xiv. 39 

Pompeia Macrina, vi. 18 

— Paulina, xv. 60, 63 sq. 
Pompeii, xiv. 17 ; xv. 14, 22 
Pompeiopolis ii. 58 

1. Pompeius Magnus, Cn. (" Pom- 
pey "), i. 1 ; ii. 27 ; iii. 22 sq., 28, 72 ; 
iv. 7, 34; vi. 18, 45; xii. 62; xiii. 6, 
34 ; xiv. 20 ; xv. 25 

— His theatre, iii. 72 ; vi. 45 ; xiii. 
54 

2. Pompeius, Sex. (son of the 
above), i. 2, 10 ; v. 1 

3. Pompeius, Sex (cos. 14 A.D. : 
descended from an uncle of 1, and 
last of the family), i. 7; iii. 11, 32 

Pompeius Aelianus, xiv. 41 

— G-Uius, C. (cos. 49 a.d.j xii. 5 

— Macer, i. 72 

— Paulinus, xiii. 53 ; xv. 18 

— Silvanus, xiii. 52 

— Urbieus, xi. 35 

Pompeius (Roman knight), vi. 14 

— (tribune of praetorian cohort), xv. 71 
Pomponia Graeciua, xiii. 22 
Pomponius Atticus, T. (Cicero's 

friend), ii. 43 
Pomponius Flaccus, L. (cos. 17 A.D.), 

ii. 32, 41, 66; vi. 27 
Pomponius Labeo, iv. 47 ; vi. 29 

1. Pomponius Secundus, P., v. 8; 
vi. 18; xi. 13; xii. 27 sq. 

2. Pomponius Secundus, Q. 
(brother of 1), vi. 18 ; xiii. 43 

Pomptine Marshes, xv. 42 

Pontia Postumia, xiii. 44 

Ponticus : vid. Valerius 

Pontius Nigrinus, C. Petronius (cos. 

37 A.D..), vi. 45 
Pontius Fregellanus, vi. 48 

— Pilatus : vid. Pilate 
Pontus (sea), xii. 63 ; ii. 54 

Pontus (country), xii. 21 ; xv. 9, 26. 
Cf. ii. 56; xiii. 39; xv. 6 

1. Poppaea Sabina (senior), xi. 2, 
4; xiii. 43,45 

2. Poppaea Sabina (daughter of 1), 
xiii. 45 sq. ; xiv. 1, 59-61, 63-65 ; xv. 
23, 61, 71 ; xvi. 6 *{., 21 sq. 

Poppaeus Sabinus, O., i. 80; iv. 46 
sq.; 49 sq. ; v. 10 ; vi. 39 ; xiii. 45 



4l6 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



l'orcii, xi. 24 
Porcius : rid. Cato 

1. Postumius, A. (dictator), ii. 49 

2. Flamen of Mars, iii. 71 
Postumus : vid. Agrippa, Iulius, 

Poeniu3 
Potitus : rid. Valerius 
Praeneste, xv. 46 
Prasutagus, xiv. 31 
Primus : rid. Antonius 
Prisca : vid. Mutilia 
Prisons : vid. Aucharius, Clutorius 

Helvidius, Novius, Petronius, 

Tarquitius 
Proculeius, C, iv. 40 
Proculus : rid. Cervariu3, Oestius, 

CoDsidius, Titius, Volusius 
[•ropertius Celer, i. 75 
Propontis, ii. 54 
Proserpine, xv. 44 
Proxumus : vid. Statius 
Pseudo-Philip, xii. 62 
Ptolemy (Epiphanes), ii. 67 

— (Euergetes), vi. 28 

— (son of Juba of Mauretania), iv. 23 
sg., 26 

Publicii(L. and M.), ii. 49 

Pulchra : vid. Claudia 

Puteoli, iii. 48; xiv. 27; xv. 51 

Pyramus (river), ii. 68 

Pyrrhus, ii. 63, 88 

Pythagoras (minion of Nero), xv. 37 

Quadi, ii. 63 

Quadratus : vid. Seiua, Ummidius 

Querquetulanus mons (= mons 

Caelius), iv. 65 
Quietus : vid. Cluvidienus 
Quinctii, iii. 76 
Quinquatrus, xiv. 4, 12 
Quinta : vid. Claudia 
Quintianus : vid. Afraniua 
Quint il ianus (tr. pi.), vi. 12 
Quintilius Varus, P., i. 3, 43. 55, 58, 

60 sq., 65, 71; ii. 41, 45 

— His son, iv. 66 
Quirinalis : vid. Clodius 
Quirinius : vid. Sulpicius 
Quirinua, iv. 38 

— /-'lumens of, iii. 58 
Quirites, i. 42 

Radamislua, xii. 44-51 ; xiii. 6, 37 
Raetia, Raetlans, i. 44; ii 17 



Ravenna, i. 58 ; ii. 63 ; iv. 5, 29 ; 

xiii. 30 
Reatini, i. 79 
Rebilus : rid. Caninius 
R(h)egium, i. 53 

Regulus : vid. Livineius, Memmius 
Remmius, ii. 68 
Remus, xiii. 58 
Rhamses, ii. 60 
Rhescuporis, ii. 64-67 ; iii. 38 
Rhine, i. 3, 31 sq., 45, 56, 59, 63, 67, 

69; ii. 6 sq., 14, 22, 83; iv. 5, 73; 

xi. 18-20; xii. 27; xiii. 53, 5G 
Rhodes, i. 4, 53; ii. 42, 55; iii. 48; 

iv. 15, 57; vi. 10, 20, 51; xii. 58 

1. Rhoemetalces (brother of Rhex 
cuporis), ii. 64 

2. Rhoemetalces (son of lihes- 
cuporis), ii. 67; iii. 38; iv. 5, 4 7 

Rhone, xiii. 53 

Romanus? (accuser of Seneca), xiv. 65 

— See also Fabius, Hispo 
Rome passim 

— Fires at, iv. 64 ; vi. 45 ; xv. 38 sqq. 

— Rebuilding of, xv. 43 

— Extent of primitive city, xii. 23 .</. 

— Plague at, xvi, 1 

— Fourteen "regions" of, xiv. 12; 
xv. 40 

— Garrison of, iv. 5 

— Temples to, iv. 37 (at Pergamum), 
56 (at Smyrna). Captured by 
Senones, xv. 41 

Romulius Deuter, vi. 11 

Romulus, iii. 26; iv. 9; vi. 11 ; xi. 

24 sq. ; xii. 24 ; xiii. 58 ; xv. 41 
Roscian Law, xv. 32 
Rostra, iii. 5; iv. 12; v. 1 ; xii. 21 
Rubellius Geminus, L. (cos. 29 a.d.), 

v. 1 

1. Rubellius Blandus Uioman 
knight and rhetorician), vi. 27 

2. Rubellius Blandus, 0. (grand- 
son of the above; nmrried Tiberius' 
granddaughter, J"liu), iii. 23, 51 ; 
vi. 27, 45 

3. Rubellius Plautus (son of the 
above), xiii. 19-22; xiv. 22, 57-60; 
xvi. 10, 23, 30, 32 

Rubrius (" modicus eques R."), i. 73 

— Fabatu3, vi. 14 

I : nulla : vid. Annia 
Rufinus : vid. Vinicius 
Rufiius Crispinus, xi. 1, 4; xii. 42; 
xiii. 45; xv. 71 ; xvi. 17 

417 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Bufus: vid. Autidienus, Cadias, 
Cluvius, Curtius, Faenius, Helvius, 
Musonius, Petilius, Sulpicius, Tre- 
bellenus, Yerginius 

Ruminalis arbor, xiii. 58 

Ruso : vid. Abudius 

Rusticus. Junius, v. 4 

— See also Fabius, Arulenus 

Rutilius, P., iii. 66; iv. 43 

Sabina : vid. Poppaea 

Sabines, i. 54; iv. 9; xi. -'4 

Sabinus : vid. Calavius, Calvisius, 

Nymphidius, Obultronius, 0- r - 

Poppaeus, Titins 
Sabrina (" Severn "), xii. 31 
Sacerdos : rid. Carsidius 
Sacrovir, Ialius, iii. 40 sq., 4''< 16; 

iv. 18 sq. 
Saenian law, xi. 25 
Sagitta : vid. Octavius 
SaMar hymn, ii. 83 
Salienus : vid. Clemens 

1. Sallustius Crispus, C. (" Sal- 
lost"), iii. 30 

— His gardens, xiii. 47 

2. Sallustius Crispus, C. (grandson 
of tiie historian's sister), i. 6; ii. 4(1; 
iii. 30 

Salon inu3 : vid. Asinius 

Sains, temple of, xv. 53, 74 

Salvianus : vid. Calpurnius 

Salvius : vid. Otho 

Samaritans, xiii. 54 

Samius (Roman knight), xi. 5 

Samos, Samians, vi. 12; iv. 14 

Samothrace, ii. 54 

Sanbulos, xii. 13 

Sancia, vi. 18 

Sanquinius Maximus, Q., vi. 4; xi. 18 

Sanquinius? (" sangunnium '' Med.), 

vi. 7 
Santoni, vi. 7 
Sardinia, ii. 85; xiii. 30; xiv. 62; 

xvi. 9. 17 
Sardis, Sardinians, ii. 47; ii 63; 

iv. 55 
Sarmatians, vi. 33, 35; xii. 29 
Satriu3 Secundus, iv. 34; vi. 8, 47 
Saturn, ii. 41 ; xiii. 15 
Saturnalia, xiii. 15 

Saturnini (" turbatores plebis "), iii. 27 
Saturninus : vid. Lusius 
Saufeius Trogus, xi. 35 
Scaevinus : vid. Flavins 



Scantia, iv. 16 
Scapula : vid. Ostorius 

1. Scaurus, Mamercus Aemilias, 
i. 13; iii. 23, 31, 66; vi. 9, 29 sq. 

2. Scaurus, II. Aemilius (cos. 115 
B.C. : great-grandfather of 1), iii. 66 

Scaurus Maximus (centurion), xv. 50 

1. Scipio Africanus, P. Cornelius 
(amquerur of Hannibal), ii. 59; xii. 
38 

2. Scipio Asiaticus, L. Cornelius 
(brother of the above), iii. 62 

3. Scipio Aemilianus Africanu.-. 
P. Cornelius (son of L. Aermhus 
Paulus; adopted by son of \), iii. 66 

4. Scipio, P. Cornelius (legate of 
the IXth legion), iii. 74 : (husband of 
the elder Poppaea), xi. 2, 4 ; xii. 53 

5. Scipio, P. Cornelius (son of 4/ ; 
cos. 56 A.D.), xiii. 25 

6. Scipio, Q. Caecilius Metellus 
J?ius(Jalher-in-laiC of Pompey), iv. 34 

Scipiones, ii. 33 ; vi. 2 

Scribonia, ii. 27 

Scribonianus : vid. Farias 

Scribonii, family of, ii. 27, 32 

Scribonii fratres (Scr. liufus and .<cr. 
Proculus), xiii. 48 

Scvthia, Scvthians, ii. 60, 65, 68; 
vi. 36, 41, '44 

Secundus: vid. Carrinas, Pedanius, 
Pomponius, Satrius, Yibius 

Segestans, iv. 43 

Segesies, i. 55, 57, 59, 71 

Segimerus, i. 71 

Segismundus, i. 57 

Seianus, L. Aelius, i. 24, 69; iii. 16, 
- . 35, 66, ::'; iv. 1, 3, 7, 10-12, 15, 
17. 19, 26. 34, 39-tl, 54, 57-60, 67 
sq., 70 sq., 74; v. 3 sq., 6, 8 sq., LI : 
vi. 2 sq., 7 sq., 10, 14, 19, 23, 25, 29 
sq., 38, 48, 51 ; xiii. 45 

Seius Quadratus, vi. 7 

— Strabo, i. 7, 24 ; iv. 1 

— Tubero, i'. 20; iv. 29 
Seleucia (" Pieria "), ii . 69 

— (on the Tigris), vi. 42, 44 ; xi. 8 
Seleucus (" Nicator "), vi. 42 

■nes, ii. 45 
Sempronian rogations, xii. 60 
Sempronius : vid. G-racchus 
Seneca, L. Annaeus, xii. 8 ; xiii. 2 sq., 

5 sq., 11, 13 sq., 20 sq., 42 sq. : xiv. 

2, 7, 1 1, 14, 52 sq., 56 sq., 65 ; x v\ ri. 

45, 50, 60-65, 67, 73; xvi. 17 



4l8 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Senecio : vid. Claudius 
Senoues, xi. 24; xv. 41 
Sentins, Cn., ii. 74, 76 sq., 79-81; 

iii. 7 
Septimius (centurion), i. 32 
Sequani, iii. 45 sq. 
Serenus : vid. Annaeus, Vibius 
Seripbos. ii. 85 ; iv. 21 
Sertorius, iii. 73 

Servaeus, Q., ii. 56; iii. 13, 19; vi. 7 
Servilia (daughter of Barea & 

xvi. 30, 33 
Servilian laws, xii. 60 

— Gardens, xv. 55 

1. Servilius, M. (cos. A.D. 3), ii. 
48; iii. 22 

2. Servilius Nonianus, SI. (cos. 35 
A.D.; historian), vi. 31 ; xiv. 19 

Servilius (accuser), vi. 29 sq. 
Servius Tullius, iii. 26 ; xii. 8 ; xv. 41 
Sesosis, vi. 28 
Severus, xv. 42 

— See also Alledius, Caecina, Cassius, 
Curtius, Verulanus 

1. Sextia (wife of ilamercus 
Scaurus), vi. 29 

2. Sextia (mother-in-law of L. 
Antislius Veins), xvi. 10 

Sextius Africanus, xiii. 19; xiv. 46 

— Paconianus, vi. 3 sq., 39 
Sibvlline Books, i. 76; vi. 12; xv. 44 
Sicily, i. 2; ii. 59; iv. 13; vi. 12, 14; 

xii. 23 

— Sicilian Strait, i. 53 

Sido (Suebian prince), xii. 29 sq. 
Silana : vid. Iunia 

1. Silanus, Q. Oaecilius Metellus 
Creticus (cos. 7 A.D. ; governor of 
Syria 11-17 A.D.), ii. 4, 43 

2. Silanus, 0. Iunius (cos. 10 
A.D. ; pro-consul of Asia 20-21 
A.D.), iii. 66-69; iv. 15 

:;. Silanus, Ap. Iunius (cos. 28 
A. n.; son o/2), iv. 68; vi. 9; xi. 29 

4. Silanus, M. Iunius (cos. 19 
A.D.), u. 59 (cf. Hist., iv. 48) 

5. Silanus, II. Iunius (cos. stiff. 
15 A.D. ; father-in-law of Caligula), 
iii. 24, 57; v. 10?; vi. 20 

6. Silanus, D. Iunius (brother of 
5), iii. 21 

7. Silanus, L. Iunius son of 4 and 
Augustus' granddaughter Julia ; be- 
trothed to Claudius' daughter Oclavia), 
xii. 3 *n,, 8 



8. Silanus, M. Iunius (cos. 46 
A.D. ; the 'Golden Sheep'; eldest 
brother of 7), xiii. 1 

9. Silanus Torquatus, D. Iunius 
(cos. 53 A.D. ; brother of 7 and 8), 
xii. 58; xv. 35; xvi. 8, 12 

10. Silanus Torquatus, L. Iuuius 
(son of 8; pupil of the jurist C. 

■ ), xv. 52; xvi. 7-9, 12, 22 
Silia, xvi. 20 

1. Silius, 0. (cos. 13 A.D. ; legate 
of Upper Germany), i. 31, 72; 
ii. sq., 25; iii. 42 sq., 45 sq.; iv. 
18 sq. ; xi. 35 

2. Silius, C. (son of 1), xi. 5 sq., 
12, 26, 29-32, 34-36; xii. 05 

Silius Nerva : > id. Nerva 

Silures, xii. 32 sq., 38-40; xiv. 29 

Silus : vid. Domitius 

Silvanos : vid. Gavius, Plautiua, 
Pompeius 

Simbruinc lakes, xiv. 22 

— bills, xi. 13 

Simonides, xi. 14 

Sindes? (river}, xi. 10 

Sinnaces, vi. 31 sq., 30 sq. 

Sinuessa, xii. 66 

Sipylus, ii. 47 

Siraci, xii. 15 sq. 

Sirpicus, i. 23 

Sisenna : vid. Statilius 

Smyrna, iii. 63 ; iv. 43, 55 sq. 

Sofonius? ("Ofonius" Med., Andre- 
sen) : vid. Tigellinus 

1. Sobaemus (of Ituraea), xii. 23 

2. Sobaemus (of Sophene), xiii. 7 
Sol, temple of, xv. 74 (at Koine) 

— , altar of, vi. 28 (at Heln 
Solon, iii. 26 
Sop bene, xiii 7 
Scrums : vid. Barea 

• i'l. Galla 
Sosianui : vid. Am i 
Sosibius, xi. 1, 4 
Soza, xii. 16 
Spain, i. 42, 71 ; iii. 13, 4 1 : 'v. :,, 13, 

37, 45; vi. 19, 27; xi. .'4; xiv. 

41 
Spartacus, iii. 73; xv. 40 
Spartans, ii. 60; iii. 26 
Spelunca (villa), iv. 59 
Stains, iv. 'J7 
Statilia : nil. Messalina 

1. Statilius Sisenna Taurus, T. 

(cos. 10 A.D.), ii. 1. 

419 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



2. Statilius Taurus, T. (cos. 44 
A.D.), xii. 59 ; xiv. 46 

3. Statilius Taurus (cos. II. 26 
B.C., praef. urb. 25 B.C.; grand- 
father of 1, great-grandfather of 2), 
iii. 72; vi. 11 

Statius : vid. Annaeus, Domitius 
Stertinius, L., i. 60, 71 ; ii. 8, 10 sq., 

17, 22 
Stoics, xiv. 57 ; xvi. 22, 32 
Strabo : rid. Acilius, Betas 
Stratonicea, iii. 62 
Stratonicis, Venus, iii. 63 
Sublaqueum, xiv. 22 
Subrius Flavus, xv. 49 sq., 65, 67 
Suebi, i. 44; ii. 26, 44 sq., 62 sq. ; 

xii. 29 
Suetonius Paulinus, 0., xiv. 29 sq., 

33, 34-39 ; xvi. 14 
Sugambri, ii. 26 ; xii. 39 

— Sugambrian cohort, iv. 47 

1. Suillius Ruins, P. (half-brother 
of Corbulo), iv. 31; xi. 1 sq., 4-6; 
xiii. 42 sq. 

2. Suillius Nerullinus, M. (cos. 
60 AJ). ; son of 1), xii. 25 ; xiii. 43 

3. Suillius Caesoninus (son of 1), 
xi. 36 

Sulla : vid. Cornelius 
Sulpicius Asper, xv. 49 sq., 68 

— Camerinus, xiii. 52 

— Quirinius, ii. 30 ; iii. 22, 48 

— Rufus, xi. 35 

— See alio Galba 
Suri'na, vi. 42 
Surrentum, iv. 67 ; vi. 1 
Svene, ii. 61 

Syphax, xii. 38 

Svracuse, xiii. 49 

Syria, i. 42; ii. 4, 42 sq., 55. 58, 60, 
69 sq., 74, 77 sqq., 81 sqq. ; iii. 16; 
iv. 5; v. 10; vi. 27, 31 sq., 37, 41, 
44; xi. 10; xii. 11, 23, 45, 49, 54 
sq. ; xiii. 8, 22, 35; xiv. 26; xv. 
3-6, 9, 12, 17. 25 sq. 



Tacfarinas, ii. 52; iii. 20 sq., 32, 73 

sq. ; iv. 13, 23-26 
Tanais, xii. 17 
Taniana, i. 51 
Tantalus, iv. 56 
Tarentum, xiv. 12, 27 
— Treaty of, i. 10 
Tarius Gratianus, vi. 38 



Tarpeian Rock, ii. 32; iv. 29; vi. 

19 
Tarquinius Priscua, iv. 65 

— Superbus, iii. 27; vi. 11 
Tarquitius Crescens, xv. 11 

— Priscus, xii, 59 ; xiv. 46 
Tarracina, iii. 2 
Tarraconensis, colonia, i. 78 
Tarsa, iv. 50 

Tatius, T., i. 54 ; xii. 24 

Taunus, i. 56 ; xii. 28 

Tauraunitium regio, xiv. 24 

Tauri, xii. 17 

Taurus : vid. Statilius 

Taurus (range), vi. 41; xii. 49; xv. 8, 

10 
Telamon, iii. 6S 
Teleboae, iv. 67 
Telesinus : vid. Luccras 
Temnos, ii. 47 
Tencteri, xiii. 56 
Tenoe, iii. 63 

Terentius, M. (Roman knight), vi. 8 
Terentius Lentinus, xiv. 40 
Termestines, iv. 45 
Teucer, iii. 62 
Teutoburgian Forest, i. 60 
Thai a, iii. 21 
Thames, xiv. 32 
Thebes (Egyptian), ii. 60 

— (Greek), xi. 14 
Theophanes, vi. 18 
Theophilus, ii. 55 
Thermal c Gulf, v. 10 
Thermus : vid. Minucius 
Theseus, iv. 56 
Thcssaly, vi. 34 

Thrace, ii. 64-67; iii. 38; iv. 5. 46, 

48; vi. 10; xii. 63 
Thrasea Paetus, P. Clodius, xiii. 49; 

xiv. 48 sq. ; xv. 20 sq., 23 ; xvi. 12, 

21 sq., 24-35 
Thrasyllus, vi. 20-22 
Thubuscum, iv. 24 
Thurii, xiv. 21 
Tiber, i. 76, 79 ; ii. 41 ; iii. 9 ; vi. 1, 

19; xii. 56; xv. 18, 42 
" Tiberiolus," vi. 5 
Tiberius Alexander : vid. Alexander 
Tiberius Claudius Nero (father of the 

emperor), v. 1 
TlBERIYS Claudius Nero Caesar (the 

emperor), i.-vi. passim ; xi. 3, 21 ; 

xii. 11, 25; xiii. 3,47, 55; xiv. 63; 

xvi. 29 



420 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



Tiberius Gemellus (grandson of the 

emperor), vi. 46 
Tibur, vi. 27 ; xiv. 22 
Ticinum, iii. 5 
Tigellinus Ofonius, 0., xiv. 48, 51, 57, 

60; it. 37, 40, 50, 58 sq., 61, 72; 

xvi. 14, 17-20 

1. Tigranes II (of Armenia), ii. 3 

2. Tigranes IV (according to 
M onimsen), vi. 40 

:i. Tigranes V, xiv. 26 ; xv. — 6, 

24 
Tigranocerta, xii. 50; xiv. 23 sq. ; 

xv. 4-6, 8 
Tigris, vi. 37; xii. 13 
Timarclius : rid. Claudius 

1. Tiridates (grandson of Phraates 
I V ; Roman candidate for the throne 
of Parthia), vi. 32, 37, 41-44 

2. Tiridates (brother of Vologaeses ; 
Parthian candidate for the throne of 
Armenia), xii. 50 sq. ; xiii. 34, 37 
sq., 40 sq. ; xiv. 26; xv. 1 sq., 14, 
24 sq., 27-29, 31 ; xvi. 23 

Titidius Labeo, ii. 85 
Titii sodales, i. 54 
Titius Proculus, xi. 35 

— Sabinus, iv. 18 sq., 68-70 ; vi. 4 
Tmolua, ii. 47 

Togonius Gallus, vi. 2 

Toronalc Gulf, v. 10 

Torquata, Iunia (Vestal; sister of C. 

Junius Silanus), iii. 69 
Torquatus : vid. Silanus 
Tralles, iv. 55 
Transpadani, xi. 24 
Trapezus, xiii. 39 
Traulus Montanus, xi. 36 
Trebellenus Rufus, T., ii. 67; iii. 38; 

vi. 39 
Trebellius, M., vi. 41 

— Maximus, xiv. 46 
Treviri, i. 41 ; iii. 40, 42, 44, 40 
Trimerus (island), iv. 71 
Trinobantes, xiv. 31 

Trio : rid. Fulcinius 

Trivia, iii. 62 

Trogus : rid. Sauieius 

Troxobor (form uncertain), xii. 55 

Troy, Trojan, iv. 55; xi. 11, 14; 

xii. 58 ; xv. 39 ; xvi. 21 
Tubantes, i. 51 ; xiii. 55 sq. 
Tubero : rid. Seius 

— Tuberones, xii. 1 ; xvi. 22 
Tullinus : rid. Vulcacius 



Tullius : rid. Geminus, Servius 
Tullus : rid. Hostilius 
Turesis, iv. 50 
Turoni, xiii. 41, 46 
Turpilianus : rid. Petronius 
Turranius, O., i. 7; xi. 31 
Tuscans, xi. 24; xiv. 21, 59 
Tusculum, xi. 24 ; xiv. 3 
Tuscus : rid. Oaecina 
Tuscus Vicus, iv. 65 
Tyre, xvi. 1 
Tyrrhcnus, iv. 55 



VuhaUs(iraar), ii. 6 
Valens : rid. Manlius, Yettius 
Valerius : rid. Asiaticus, Messala 
Valerius Capito, xiv. 12 

— Corvus. i. 9 

— Fabianus, xiv. 40 

— Naso, iv. 56 

— Ponticus, xiv. 41 

— Potitus, xi. 22 

Vangio (Suebian prince), xii. 29 sq. 
Vangiones, xii. 27 
Vannius, ii. 63; xii. 29 sq. 

1. Vardanes (A-iHc? of Parllna; son 
of Artabanus III, and brother of 
Ootarzes), xi. 8-10 

2. Vardanes (Parthian prince \ 
son of Vologaeses I), xiii. 7 

Yard la : rid. Appuleia 

Varius : rid. Ligus 

Varro : rid. Cingonius, Visellius 

Varus : rid. Arrius, Lurius, Quin- 
tal ilia 

Vasaces, xv. 14 

Vatican valley, xiv. 14 

Vatinius, xv. 34 

Vbii, i. 31, 36 sq., 39, 57, 71 ; xii. 27; 
xiii. 57 

Vedius Pollio, P., i. 10; xii. 60 

Veianius Niger, xv. 67 

Veiento : rid. Fabriciua 

Veliiie Lake, i. 79 

Vellaeus, P., iii. 39 

Veneti, xi. 23 

Yenetus : rid. Paulus 

Ventidius Cumanus, xii. 54 

Venus : — Amathusian, iii. 62 

— Erycine, iv. 43 

— Genetrix, xvi. 27 

— Paphian, iii. 62 

— Stratonicis, iii. 63 
Venutius, xii. 40 



421 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 



\ "nanus, Q. (cos. 4'.t A.D.; legalus of 
Britain 5S A.D.), ii. 56, 74; iii. 10, 
13, 17, 10; xii. 5; xiv. 29 

Vergilianus : vid. Iuncus 

Verginius Flavus, xv. 71 

Verginius Rufus, L. (cos. I. 63 A.D., //. 
69 A.D., III. 97 A.D.), XV. 23 

Verritus, xiii. 54 

Verulamiuin, xiv. 33 

Veruianus Severus, xiv. 26; xv. 3 

Vescularius Flaccus, ii. 28 ; vi. 10 

Vespasian, iii. 55; xvi. 5 

Vesta, temple of, xv. 36, 41 

Vestals, i. 8; ii. 34, 86; iv. 16; xi. 

32; xv. 22 
Vestinus Atticus. M. (cos. 65 a.i>.), 

xv. 48, 52, 68 sq. 
Vesuvius, iv. 67 
Vetera, i. 45 
Vettius Bolanus, xv. 3 

— Valens, xi. 30 sq., 35 
Vettonianus : vid. Funisulanus 
Vetus : vid. Antistius 
Vibenna : vid. Gaeles 

Vibia? (" uiuia " Med.), xii. 52 
Vibidia, xi. 32, 34 
Vibidiua Virro, ii. 48 
Vibilius, ii. 63; xii. 29 
Vibius Orispus, Q., xiv. 23 

— Fronto, ii. 68 

— Marsus, 0., ii. 74, 79; v. 56; vi. 

47 sq. ; xi. 10 

— Secundus, xiv. 28 

— Serenus, 0., ii. 30; iv. 13, 28 sqq. 

— Serenus (son of the foregoing), iv. 2S 
sq., 36 

Vibulenus (legionary), i. 22, 28 sq. 
■ — Agrippa (Roman knight), vi. 40 
Vibullius, xiii. 28 
Victory, image of, at Camulodunura, 

xiv.'32 
Vienna ( Vienne), xi. 1 
Vindelici, ii. 17 
Vindex, 0. Iulius, xv. 74 
Vinicianus : vid. Anniua 

1. Vinicius P. (cos. 2 A.D.). iii. 
11 

2. Vinicius, M. (cos. I. 30 A.D. ; 
ii. 45 A.O.), vi. 15, 45 

Vinicius Rufinus, xiv. 40 

Vipsania, i. 12; iii. 19 

Vipsanius Agrippa, M. : vid. Agrippn 

Vipsanius Laenas, xiii. 30 

1. Vipstanus Poplicola, L. cos. 

48 A.D.), xi. 23, 25 

422 



2. Vipstanus Apronianus, I . 
59 A.D. ; son or nephew of I?), 
xiv. 1 
Vipstanus Gallus, ii. 51 

1. Visellius Varro, C. (cos. tuff. 
12 A.D.), iii. 41 sqq. 

-. Visellius Varro, L. (cos. 24 
A.D. ; son of 1), iv. 17, 19 
Vistilia, ii. 85 
Vistilius, Sex., vi. 9 
Visurgis (Weser), i. 70 ("/.?.); ii. 9, 

11 sq., 16 sq. 
Vitellia, iii. 49 

1. VlTELLIVS, A. (COS. 48 A.D. ; 
emperor 69 A.D.), xi. 23; xiv. 
49 

2. Vitellius, L. (cos. I. 34 A.D., 
///. 47 A.D.; father of 1), vi. 28. 
32, 36 sq., 41; xi. 2-4, 33-35; xii. 
4 sq., 9 ; xiv. 56 

3. Vitellius, P. (uncle of 1), i. 70; 
ii. 6, 74; iii. 10, 13, 17, 19; v. 8; 
vi. 47 

4. Vitellius, Q. (uncle of I.), ii. 4S 
Vitia?, vi. 10 

Vmbria, iv. 5 

Vmmidius Quadratus, C, xii. 45, 4S, 

54 ; xiii. 8 sq. ; xiv. 26 
Volandum, xiii. 39 
Volesus, L. Valerius Messala (cos. 5 

A.D.), iii. 68 
Volog(a)e3es, xii. 14, 44, 50; xiii. 

7, 9, 34, 37; xiv. 25; xv. 1-3. 

5-7, 9-11, 13-15, 17, 24 sq., 27 sq. 

31 

1. Volusius, L. (cos. suff. 12 B.C.), 
iii. 30 

2. Volusius, L. (cos. suff. 3 A.D.; 
son of 1), xii. 22; xiii. 30; xiv. 
56 

3. Volusius, Q. (cos. 56 A.D. ; 
grandson of 1), xiii. 25; xiv. 
46 

Volusius Proculus, xv. 51, 57 

1. Vonones I (of Parthia — later of 
Armenia), ii. 1— i, 56, 58, OS ; vi. 31 ; 
xii. 10 

2. Vonones XI (of Parthia ; father 
of Vologeses), xii. 14 

Votienus Montanus, iv. 42 
Vrbicus : vid. Pompeius 
Vrgulania, Ii. 34; iv. 21 sq. 
Vsipetes (Vsipi), i. 51 ; xiii. 55 sq, 
Vspe, xii. 16 sq. 
Vulcacius Araricus, xv. 50 



INDEX TO HISTORIES AND ANNALS 

Vulcacius Moschus, iv. 4:; Xenophon, 0. Stertinius (doctor uf 

— Tullinus? (" Tertullinus " Hist., Claudius), xii. 6, 67 

iv. 9), xvi. 8 

Vulsci, xi. 24 Zeno, ii. 56 

Vnlsinii, iv. 1 Zcnobia, xii. 51 

Zeugma, xii. 12 
Zmyrna : vid. Smyrna 

Wcscr : vid. Visurgis Zosines, xii. 15, 17, 19 



423 



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Fairbanks. 

6 



Philostratus and Eunapius : Lives of the Sophists. Wilmer 

Cave Wright. 
Pindar. Sir J. E. Sandys. 
Plato: Charmides, Alcibiades, Hipparchds, The Lovers, 

Theages, Minos and Epino.iiis. W. R. M. Lamb. 
Plato: Cratylus, Parmenides, Greater Hippias, Lesser 

Hippias. H. X. Fowler. 
Plato: Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phaedo, Phaedrus. 

H. N. Fowler. 
Plato: Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthydemus. \V. R. M. 

Lam 1 1 . 
Plato: Laws. Rev. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols. 
Plato: Lysis, Symposium, Gorgtas. W. R. M. Lamb. 
Plato: Republic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols. 
Plato: Statesman, Philebus. H.N. Fowler; [on, VV. R. M. 

Lamb. 
Plato: Theaetetus and Sophist. H. N. P'owler. 
Plato- Timaeus, Critias, Clitopho, Menexenus, Epistulae. 

Rev. R. G. Bury. 
Plutarch: Moralia. 15 Vols. Vols. I.-V. F. C. Babbitt. 

Vol. VI. W. C. Helmbold. Vol. VII. P. H. De Lacv and 

B. Einarson. Vol. IX. E. L. Miliar, Jr., F. H. Sandbach, 
W. C. Helmbold. Vol. X. H. X. Fowler. Vol. XTI. H. 
Cherniss and W. C. Helmbold. 

Plutarch: The Parallel Lives. B. Perrin. 11 Vols. 

Polybius. W- R. Paton. Vols. 

Prooopius: History of the Wars. H. B. Dewing. 7 Vols. 

Ptolemy: Tetrabiblos. Cf. Manetho. 

Quintus Smyrnaeus. A. S. Way. Verse trans. 

Sextus Empiricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols. 

Sophocles. F. Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans. 

Strabo: Geography. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. 

Theophrastus : Characters. J. M. Edmonds. Herodes, 

etc. A. D. Knox. 
Theophrastus: Enquiry into Plants. Sir Arthur Hort, 

Bart. 2 Vols. 
Thucydides. C. F. Smith. 4 Vols. 
Tryphiodorus. Cf. Oppian. 

Xenophon: Cyropaedia. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. 
Xenophon: Hellenica, Anabasis, Apology, and Symposium. 

C. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 3 Vols. 

Xenophon : Memorabilia and Oeconomicus. E. C. Marchant. 
Xenophon : Scripta Minora. E. C. Marchant. 



IN PREPARATION 



Greek Authors 

Aristotle: History of Animals. A. L. Peek. 
Plotixus: A. H. Armstrong. 



Latin Authors 

Babrius and Phaedrus. Ben E. Perry. 
DESCRIPTIVE PROSPECTUS OX APPLICATIO 



London WILLIAM HEINEMANN LT 

Cambridge, Mass. HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRES 



WAfc 1 - 1989 



IUR 1 9&9 



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